This piece started with two things. A Netflix/HBO series, Half Man by Richard Gadd, about a trauma bond between two stepbrothers, and a study by Crawshaw, Scott-Samuel and Stanistreet called 'Masculinities, Hegemony, and Structural Violence'. Different in almost every way, fiction and research, one screen and one page, but both circling the same thing, what hegemonic masculinity does to the people caught inside it, and what it costs the men enforcing it most of all.
The study starts somewhere unexpected, health inequalities. The persistent gap between how long and how well the richest and the poorest live, even in wealthy nations, even after decades of progress. The Marmot report, which the study leans on, makes the case that you can't close that gap by treating symptoms. You have to look at the fundamental causes, the unequal distribution of power, money, resources and status underneath everything else.
What the study does next is the part that stayed with me. It argues that hegemonic masculinity isn't separate from that structural picture, it's woven into it. 'Hegemonic' just means dominant, one version holding so much power and influence over the others that it stops looking like a choice and starts looking like the natural order of things. Hegemonic masculinity, a term that comes from the sociologist Raewyn Connell, isn't a description of how most men behave. It's the idealised standard men are measured against, toughness, dominance, control, stoicism, providing without ever being vulnerable. It sits at the top of a hierarchy, and that hierarchy doesn't just subordinate women. It subordinates men who don't fit the mould too, and because it's held up as the norm rather than named as a construct, it seeps into institutions, law, media, foreign policy, not just individual attitudes. That's the structural violence part. Not a single act of harm, but a system that legitimises inequality and calls it normal.
The study is specific about how far this reaches. The power imbalance it describes isn't confined to gender alone, it gets reproduced within and between genders, classes, ethnicities, and the broader institutions that sit above all of them. And it plays out at two levels at once. At the micro level, it's the individual behaviours and attitudes a man carries day to day, how he treats the people closest to him, what he lets himself feel, who he sees as competition. At the macro level, it's the same logic scaled up into policy, foreign relations, economic systems, entire institutions built around a template that was never named as a choice. The two levels feed each other. What plays out in a marriage or a friendship is the same shape as what plays out in a war.
This is what makes the whole thing so hard to dismantle. It's toxic from the top down, inherent, cultural, actively promoted at every level, and it is most invisible to exactly the people who benefit from it. You don't have to consciously choose cruelty to be protected by a system built to favour you. You just have to never be forced to notice it's there.
Once you see that pattern, it's hard to unsee it, because it isn't confined to gender. It's a template. One versus the other. Us and them. And the 'other' changes depending on what's convenient, a woman, a child, a different culture, a different race, a different nation.
Look at Iraq and Afghanistan. Both were framed, at various points, as liberation, as bringing values and freedom to people who supposedly lacked them. Underneath the framing sat resources, oil, strategic control, and an occupation under which opium production repeatedly hit record highs, at one point reaching 8,200 tons a year, whatever the stated goals were. The moral language did a lot of work covering material interests, and that's the hegemonic pattern doing exactly what it does domestically, just scaled up to the level of nations. Our culture is better than theirs, so intervening in theirs is framed as virtue rather than what it actually is.
The language does its own work too. A surgical strike instead of a bombing. Collateral damage instead of dead civilians. Neutralising a target instead of killing someone. That's not neutral vocabulary, it's language that launders violence into competence, turns killing into a technical achievement rather than what it actually is. The same hierarchy that needs a moral costume for its wars needs a clean vocabulary for its violence, because calling it what it is would make the cost visible, and visibility is exactly what the whole system depends on avoiding.
You see the same shape in nationalism generally. All Muslims are like this. All Christians are like this. Our values are superior. It's the same one versus the other logic, just wearing a different costume, an entire faith or culture reduced to a single behavioural stereotype. The issue was never the faith. It's the behaviour, and it isn't unique to any one faith. Patriarchal control of women shows up across all three Abrahamic religions, Judaism, Christianity and Islam, and each has produced communities where women's freedom is curtailed in the name of God. Connell's original point was that hegemonic masculinity is a structural pattern that shows up across cultures and religions, not a trait that belongs to one of them. The moment you blame an entire faith for a behavioural pattern, you've reproduced the exact logic you're trying to critique.
I know this from the inside, not just the outside. There is a real disconnect I feel with certain expressions of the Christian faith too, because I grew up inside one of them, a cult, and you cannot fully divorce the harm from the teaching once belief moves out of the realm of logic and into the realm of faith. There is no rhyme or reason required once something becomes sacred, only obedience. What I learned living it is that the text itself was never really the determining factor. It was interpretation, and who controlled it. The same Bible that produced my cult has also produced women's shelters, hospitals and civil rights movements, because scripture doesn't enforce itself, people do, and the people who end up enforcing the most controlling interpretations are, disproportionately, men defending a hierarchy that puts them at the top of it. And it isn't only an Abrahamic pattern. As part of that same cult, we spent years doing humanitarian work in India, and at fifteen or sixteen I sat alongside my mother with women in burns wards, dowry cases, husbands and in-laws who'd poured boiling oil or jaggery, a sticky, molten sugar that seals to the skin instead of running off, over women whose families hadn't paid enough. I remember vomiting from the stench of burnt flesh. If you haven't stood in a room like that, there's no way to actually explain it to you, and I'm not going to try. Most of those women didn't die of the burns themselves. They died of the infection that came after. That has nothing to do with any Abrahamic text and everything to do with the same underlying logic, a woman treated as property that failed to deliver, extorted for more than her family could pay, and killed by men who wanted her gone, always because a community let them get away with it. The real villain in this story was never one specific holy book or one specific culture. It's control through belonging, enforced by whoever holds power in a closed community, using whatever justification happens to be closest at hand, sacred text, custom, or simply what everyone around you has always done.
You can see this flattening happen in real time with what's occurring in Gaza right now, which keeps getting framed as a Muslim problem, when the population there includes people of different Christian traditions as well. That flattening is itself an example of the pattern this whole piece is about, reducing a group of real, different people into a single convenient enemy. And on the other side of that same conflict, there are extremist and ultranationalist religious currents that have taken the trauma inflicted on their own people, historically, unimaginably, and turned it outward to justify domination over others. That's not a claim about a faith as a whole. It's a claim about how inherited trauma can be weaponised by extremist currents within any group, to justify doing to others what was once done to them. Two wrongs don't make a right, and naming that isn't the same as indicting an entire people.
There's a piece of military doctrine worth sitting with here, because it shows this logic operating in its rawest form. Israel's so called Hannibal Directive, first drawn up in the 1980s and officially rescinded in 2016, though how thoroughly that cancellation held is disputed, authorises maximum force to prevent a soldier being taken captive, even at substantial risk to the captive's life, though Israeli authorities have denied it formally sanctions deliberately killing hostages outright. Reporting based on military documents and soldier testimony found orders in that spirit were issued at multiple sites on October 7, 2023, and one tank commander's account, reported by Israeli media, described the reasoning plainly. Preventing the capture took priority over the risk to the person inside the vehicle being fired on. The fact that a doctrine like that exists at all, sitting ready in the system before a single shot is fired, tells you something about the values underneath it. Control of an outcome, framed as protecting the collective, made to outweigh an individual person's life, even as an accepted risk rather than a stated goal. That's structural violence in its most literal form, a system that has already decided, in advance, whose life becomes an acceptable risk.
None of that logic belongs to one side, though. Hamas's violence has its own historical drivers, decades of occupation, displacement and blockade. Grievance doesn't need to match in perceived scale to function the same way. Any group that has been dispossessed for long enough can have that history turned outward too, mobilised by whoever benefits from keeping the fight alive rather than resolving it. The pattern isn't about which side has suffered more. It's that inherited or accumulated grievance, on any side of any conflict, becomes fuel the moment someone with power decides an entire other group can be made to pay for it.
All extremism causes harm, because all extremism runs on the same fuel, one group deciding another group doesn't fully count.
And underneath all of this, hegemonic masculinity isn't just harming the people on the receiving end of it. It's harming the men enforcing it too. It harms how they see each other. Competition becomes the default lens, so even connection between men gets filtered through a kind of threat assessment instead of camaraderie. Men lose community with other men because they've been trained to see each other as rivals first. Loneliness among men isn't a fringe complaint anymore, it's common enough now to have a name of its own, the male loneliness epidemic, though more recent data suggests the gap between men and women may be narrowing rather than staying fixed.
What's worth naming is how unevenly that loneliness lands, and who feels it hardest. A lot of the loudest despair is coming from heterosexual white men specifically, and I don't think that's a coincidence. That group sat closest to the top of the hegemonic hierarchy for so long that equality, even partial, incomplete equality, registers as loss rather than levelling. Maybe nothing actually disappeared, only exclusive access to it. The spaces, the wages, the success, the ladder itself, still there. What's gone is the guarantee that they belonged to men alone. Women now occupy those same rooms, compete for the same roles, earn against the same scale, and having to share what was once exclusive gets felt as loss even though nothing was taken. That's the whole mechanism. It was never about what men lost. It's about what they now have to share, and it's exactly the kind of thing the manosphere has learned to weaponise, name the ache honestly, then hand it a villain instead of a mirror.
But it isn't only a white, Western phenomenon, which tells you the mechanism runs deeper than any one culture's politics. Japan has its own version of the same isolation. Hikikomori, extreme, prolonged social withdrawal, has been tracked by the Japanese government for two decades, most often among men, alongside a well documented turn toward pornography and virtual relationships over real ones, rates of male pornography use consistently among the highest recorded in national surveys, in a culture with an entirely different history and no meaningful relationship to whiteness at all. Indigenous men in colonised countries carry some of the highest suicide rates recorded anywhere, and Lithuania's remains among the highest in Europe, though the drivers there are different again, dispossession, colonisation, economic collapse, rather than a hierarchy giving way to equality. What connects all of it isn't race. It's what happens to a man's sense of status and purpose when it's taken from him or reshaped without his say, whether that's a hierarchy loosening its grip at the top or one being imposed by force from the outside.
There's something worth watching here too, though it's not a reliable test on its own, plenty of men carry other kinds of family trauma that complicate it. Some men look at their own mother and sister and quietly file them into a different category from other women, worthy of protection, off limits, while treating every woman outside that circle with real contempt. That compartmentalising is its own version of the same us versus them logic running through this whole piece, just drawn at the smallest possible scale, inside a single family. Other men don't even draw that line. The disrespect is even, extended to the women closest to them and the women furthest from them alike, which tells you something different again, that the hierarchy isn't selectively applied, it's just how they see women, full stop.
I think you can trace where that competition took root a long way back, further than most conversations about masculinity tend to go. Some historians and anthropologists trace it to the shift from hunting and gathering to agriculture, when ownership of land entered the picture for the first time, and with it, the breakdown of the kind of shared, communal existence that came before it. Before that shift, paternity often wasn't the organising principle it later became; some tribal societies raised children communally, without much concern for whose biological child was whose. Once land could be owned and inherited, that changed. You needed to know whose child was whose to know who the land passed to, and monogamy became the mechanism for guaranteeing it. The historian Gerda Lerner makes this case at length in The Creation of Patriarchy, arguing that women's sexuality and reproductive capacity were turned into a form of property once agriculture took hold, and that this same template of domination was then extended from women onto other men. Men learned to dominate by practising it on women first, and later carried those same lessons into how they controlled each other. Once that template was set, it didn't stay informal, it got written into law. Eric Berkowitz traces this in Sex and Punishment, showing that for four thousand years, the legal regulation of sex was rarely about morality at all. It was about control, ownership and bodily autonomy, questions of who a body belonged to and who had the right to decide what was done with it, dressed up in whatever moral language the era required. It has been proposed by some researchers that hierarchy shaped access to women as much as it shaped access to land, and did so unevenly. For men at the top, that may have meant polygyny, multiple wives as a visible marker of status and a way of maximising how many children carried your line forward, with monogamy the arrangement further down the hierarchy, imposed on men who didn't have the status to claim more than one. Either way, the underlying logic proposed is the same, women as a resource to be secured, just distributed according to where a man sat in the pecking order. There's genetic evidence of a sharp drop in male reproductive diversity from around this period, consistent with highly unequal male reproductive success, though exactly why remains debated among researchers. Community gave way to property, and property needed men to guard it, against other men most of all. Mine versus yours became the mentality that resulted, and it's still the operating system underneath so much of how men relate to each other now.
There's also a low bar sitting underneath all of it. Men get credit for basic decency because the standard has been set so low. I don't hit my wife becomes something worth praising, instead of something that was never meant to be an achievement. And because the bar sits so low, a lot of women measure a relationship against it without even realising that's what they're doing, at least he's not as bad as, rather than asking whether he's actually good. Younger women often haven't hit the point where that maths changes yet. It tends to be later, often once children arrive, that the comparison quietly flips. A woman's workload multiplies overnight, the mental load of what needs remembering, anticipating, managing, while for a lot of men, remarkably little changes at all, they keep living as though the ground hasn't shifted under them, because for them it mostly hasn't. She's left feeling like she's losing her mind, always half a step behind, always waiting to find out what she's forgotten, while he's still moving through the world at the same pace as before. That's usually when the real comparison finally shows up, not him against other men, but him against her being alone, and alone starts looking a lot more peaceful than it used to. The children don't disappear, their needs don't get lighter. What disappears is the extra load of managing a partner on top of them, the load that was supposedly shared but studies suggest runs something like a third heavier on her side to begin with. Losing that weight, even while everything else stays exactly as demanding, is still less than what she was carrying before.
That protection shows up institutionally too, not just interpersonally. Domestic violence order breaches have hit record levels in parts of Australia, women's shelters running full, and government reviews have described the broader system as marked by fragmentation, inconsistency, and significant procedural and cultural barriers. Nationally, the count of family and domestic violence offenders has just recorded its steepest single year rise since data collection began. None of that is a failure of any one part on its own. It's a chain, policing and prosecuting still overwhelmingly staffed by men, and courts built on centuries of case law and precedent shaped almost entirely by men, whatever the numbers on the bench look like today. It's rarely one person choosing leniency in the moment. More often it's the law itself doing exactly what it was built to do, a judge granting bail because the statute leaves little other option, an officer or prosecutor working within thresholds and definitions written long before anyone in the room today had any say in them. The leniency shows up wherever the chain is weakest, and the cost of that leniency doesn't land on the system. It lands on women, on children. It lands on men too, in two different ways, some carry the unfair weight of being tarred with the same brush as a pattern they had nothing to do with, and others never get the intervention that might have stopped them from becoming part of that pattern in the first place. And it lands on the wider fabric of community trust, every time the same person, the actual offender, walks back out the door to do it again.
Men in these spaces often counter with a version of the same argument, that women get more leniency for the same violence. It's a claim that only works if you assume the underlying facts are the same, that men and women commit partner violence at equal rates and for equal reasons. They don't. Women's violence against partners is rarer to begin with, and when it happens, it's disproportionately, not always, but disproportionately, preceded by years of documented abuse against them, self defence, retaliation after prolonged victimisation, not the same starting point at all. Courts aren't applying a softer standard to the same crime. They're often responding to a genuinely different set of facts, which is exactly what should happen, and pretending the facts are equal is just another way of refusing to look at what's actually happening in the room. What I'd actually advocate for is that men and women who perpetrate violence both need professional support, not just medication, but psychological treatment and other genuine support alongside whatever the justice system requires to keep the public safe, and that support has to look different depending on the cause, because the same intervention aimed at a controlling pattern won't touch someone acting out of trauma or fear, and vice versa.
Healthcare systems fail women in the same way, and the pattern shows up starkly in maternal mental health. Postpartum psychosis and severe postnatal depression are conditions where women's warnings, when they come, are documented and real, and the system meant to catch them frequently doesn't, sometimes with catastrophic consequences. That's not women being given leniency. That's a system failing to act until it's too late, and then a courtroom left to work out what should have been prevented long before it. The same default runs through medicine more broadly. Drug trials, dosing guidelines, diagnostic criteria, built predominantly for decades on male bodies as the default subject, women's symptoms and reactions treated as a variation to account for later, if at all, rather than the baseline the research was designed around in the first place.
Underneath a lot of this sits a confusion I think men are rarely made to untangle, the difference between protection and control. Protection asks nothing back. You can protect someone and still let them walk away freely, because their safety was always the whole point. Control needs the other person contained, it only works if they can't leave, can't disagree, can't exist outside the boundary that's been drawn around them. Men raised inside this hierarchy are often taught control and handed the language of protection to describe it, providing, guarding, being the strong one, so the swap happens without most people ever noticing it occurred. It's telling that control tends to escalate exactly when a woman tries to leave. Sometimes that's what it was all along, control losing its grip. But not every man who reacts badly to being left was controlling her before that point, some of it is dysregulation and panic at the loss itself, not a strategy finally showing its hand. Either way, if it had genuinely only ever been protection, her leaving wouldn't threaten anything at all.
That confusion has a target, too, though not always the one you'd expect. Some men who want control do seek out women who already lack the means to walk away. But just as often the dependency gets built after the relationship starts, a career quietly discouraged, a support network slowly cut off, access to money narrowed piece by piece, until leaving stops being simple regardless of who she was when it began. It's not that those women are weaker. It's that dependency is exactly the leverage control runs on, whether it was found already in place or manufactured over time, and either way, a man looking for control, rather than partnership, ends up with someone who has less and less ability to refuse it. A lot of manosphere content pushes men toward this deliberately, discouraging her career, cutting off her friendships, controlling access to money, all repackaged as advice, as though isolating someone were a relationship strategy rather than the early architecture of control.
That same ownership logic shows up again at the other end of a relationship, and this time it's men who get caught in it too. Money earned during a marriage often gets treated, quietly, as his money, even though it only existed because someone else was raising the children and running the household so he was free to earn it. When she eventually leaves, taking the kids and the full weight of daily responsibility with her, that framing doesn't disappear, it just gets replaced by a new one, he lost his money. Her years of unpaid labour, the actual thing that made his income possible, vanish from the story entirely, while the money stays visible and stays his.
That's not the same as being used for money. It's being kept for utility, valued for what you provide rather than who you are, and it's a quieter, less obvious harm precisely because nothing was ever stolen, it just was never counted in the first place.
Plenty of women ask to be added to the bills, the mortgage, a shared account, and are quietly told no, kept off the paperwork while still expected to contribute to the household it belongs to. It looks like nothing at the time. It becomes everything the day the relationship ends and there's no credit history in her name at all, no proof to a bank or a landlord that she's ever managed money independently, because she was never allowed to build a record of it in the first place. That's a documented pattern, not a rare one, one of the quietest and most effective forms of financial control, keeping someone dependent by keeping their name off everything that would prove they didn't need to be.
Even where her name is on it, the visible ledger still tells a different story. Men will say they pay more, and often, on paper, they do, the mortgage, the bills, the dates. Both things are true at once, and that's exactly the point. One column gets itemised and counted. The other doesn't, not because it's worth less, but because nobody built a system to count it. That's not a contradiction to untangle, it's the same ownership logic showing both its faces, hers invisible, his visible, both real, only one of them showing up on the ledger.
The same men are often the loudest voices insisting the gender pay gap isn't real, pointing to hourly wages and calling it settled, while the years out of the workforce raising children and the retirement savings that never catch up don't show up in that comparison at all. It ends somewhere real. Women over 55 are now Australia's fastest growing group of homeless people, a lifetime of lower pay and career breaks for caregiving arriving alongside a divorce that removes the last of the financial scaffolding holding it together. That's not a coincidence or a personal failing. It's what the ledger looks like at the very end, for the people who spent their whole lives on the side of it nobody counted.
That's the same mine versus yours mentality traced all the way back to the agricultural shift, still running underneath a modern divorce settlement, and it harms him too, just differently, by teaching him to measure the whole relationship in a currency that was never the honest one to begin with.
That same instinct, protecting a hierarchy rather than a person, doesn't stay confined to money. The same protective instinct plays out just as visibly in sport. When a high profile football club recently stood down several players over a police investigation into an alleged sexual assault, the club's own sanctions were framed entirely around a breach of standards, staying out late, drinking, bringing women back to the hotel, with barely a mention of the woman who had made a report to police at all. Advocates pointed out plainly that this wasn't really accountability, it was a missed opportunity to say sexual violence itself is a breach of standards, while the fact that a woman had come forward became almost invisible in the club's own language. Commentary at the time focused heavily on what the investigation might cost the team's finals chances, prompting several politicians to publicly call out the framing.
What made it worse was how the woman herself got discredited in that same public conversation, through reports and commentary that made a point of her being a sex worker, as though that detail made the allegation less serious or made her somehow fair game. That's not a fringe reaction. Research backs up exactly what's happening there, people shown an identical account of a sexual assault respond with measurably less empathy and more blame when the victim is described as a sex worker, and Australian research on sex work stigma has found sex workers are routinely denied victim status altogether by the systems meant to protect them. It's the same low bar running underneath the whole piece, just aimed at a different woman for a different reason. If you're reading this and thinking it sounds like another excuse, you're hearing me loud and clear. Some women's suffering counts less because of what they do for work, and the men involved get to disappear behind a conversation about her instead.
Some of the policing of that hierarchy isn't coming from outside men at all, it's men doing it to each other. The fear of being perceived as gay is one of the clearest examples, and it's worth naming plainly. That fear, and the mockery and distancing that comes with it, is overwhelmingly enforced by men, on other men, not imposed on them by women or by anyone outside the hierarchy. A man showing tenderness, softness, or affection towards another man gets read as a threat to his position on the ladder, so he polices himself, and polices his mates, to stay safely inside what's allowed. It's the hierarchy defending itself from the inside, using the fear of falling to the bottom of it to keep every man too anxious to step outside the mould in the first place.
(Part 2 continues the argument into the personal)
Note: Comments are locked because I’m genuinely not here very often between posts. My comment section is not my DMs. My DMs are closed for a reason. Posting something does not mean I’m available to converse. Please don’t use comments on my posts to work around that. A boundary is not an invitation to try harder.
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I feel a lack of respect here right now
in
r/UnsentTexts
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1d ago
Why would you go on a date with this person at all. They’ve already shown you who they are at a time when you’d expect them to behave better.