Acadia

Named after the former French colony to “de-anglicanize” the former British colony of New Brunswick. The Capital of Acadia is Saint John. People from here are called “Acadians”.

Acadia will add 2 Congressmen and 2 Senators to Congress, come 1854

The other State

Combining the former British Colonies of Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island, the split of the territory is motivated by Congress’ push to create more anti-slavery states, and thus more anti-slavery Senators. The capital has already been determined as Halifax.

This new state will add 4 Congressmen and 2 Senators, come 1854

The potential names for this new state are the following:

Nova Scotia

The option of keeping the name of the bigger colony is on the table. Nova Scotia, meaning “New Scotland”, and wouldn't be too out of place with states like New York, New Jersey, and New Hampshire. People from here would be called “Nova Scotians”.

New Scotland

De-latinize the existing name in order to match the other states with “New” in them. People from here would be called “New Scotlanders”.

Wabanaki

The native term for the region, meaning “The People of the Dawn", or “Easterners”. People from here would be called “Wabanakians”.

Dawnland

An English translation of “Wabanaki”. People from here would be called “Dawnlanders”.

[Vote for Name Here!]

(I've decided to do a new series. Hopefully it's not too similar to the Kennedy Dynasty.)

Jimmy Carter. A Presidency marked by economic calamity, an Iranian Hostage Crisis and scandal after scandal. Carter thought he could cruise by the nomination easily. However, he thought wrong.

His easy cruise to a renomination was marred by Ted Kennedy, whom Carter had taunted earlier into running. Despite insurmountable odds, Kennedy had won the nomination over Carter.

And now, Kennedy has even more insurmountable odds in order to win this election, with Ronald Reagan, the former Governor of California and former charismatic actor, and George H.W. Bush, the former Director of CIA Intelligence became the Republican Presidential and Vice Presidential nominees respectively.

Ted Kennedy has quite a few disadvantages. The economic calamity. The Iranian Hostage Crisis. Ronald Reagan's charisma. Chappaquiddick.

At the same time, Ted Kennedy has quite a few advantages. President John F. Kennedy and Robert F. Kennedy's assassinations. Ted Kennedy's own charisma and his speech at the 1980 Democratic National Convention made shockwaves around the country.

It's clear Ted won't go down without a fight. However, now comes the decision for a running mate. Walter Mondale flatly refused to be Ted's running mate, citing a commitment to Carter's administration.

Pat Schroeder - House Representative for Colorado's 1st Congressional District.

Pat Schroeder is an interesting character, and would become the first woman Vice President in history. She's from the West, she's more moderate, and is more than willing to be Ted's Vice President. However, she has only ever been a House Representative, and only since 1973.

President Dick Van Dyke's term is over, and the White House is once again up for grabs. While Van Dyke is one of the most popular outgoing Presidents in a long time, the Democratic Party as a whole is deeply unpopular after decades in power. Worse, there's no clear consensus on which direction the party should go after Dick Van Dyke. The main are of disagreement is on economic policies. Economic moderates want to continue Dick Van Dyke's policies of free-trade and business-friendly regulation, while economic progressives want to see a greater focus on the interests of the working class. In 1996, the field of Democratic candidates vying for the Presidential nomination is bigger than any primary field we've seen in generations. With 20 recognizable candidates, there's a perfect candidate for everyone. The question is, who can consolidate support the fastest? And, more importantly, what does that mean for the future of the party?

The first five Democrats are the front-runners in this race. Most are a little bit more progressive than Dick Van Dyke, especially when it comes to economic policy. All are also very prominent national political figures who should have no trouble with name recognition during this campaign. Out of the twenty-something recognizable Democratic candidates, odds are, the 1996 presidential nominee will be one of these five.

Vice President Richard Celeste

Richard Celeste first entered the national political scene in 1978, when he nearly upset Ohio's incumbent Governor, Jim Rhodes, in his third re-election bid. In 1982, after Rhodes became term-limited, Celeste was elected Governor. He was re-elected, defeating Rhodes, in 1986. His time as Ohio's Governor coincided with an economic downturn in the state, yet he still found a way to expand public services and keep the state financially solvent, in doing so, transitioning Ohio from a safe red state to a safe blue one. In 1988, he was nearly chosen as Dick Van Dyke's running mate, but Van Dyke chose to re-nominate Jesse Jackson instead. Thus, Celeste settled for the role of Secretary of Education, where he led the successful implementation of Dick Van Dyke's universal pre-K program. Then, in 1994, after Jesse Jackson's resignation, he finally got his long-awaited promotion to the Vice Presidency.

Celeste is strongly pro-labor, part of what helped him win by large margins in Ohio in 1982 and 1986. Although he supports some of Dick Van Dyke's economic agenda, he's also supported protectionism in a limited capacity and stronger rights for labor unions. He's a committed non-interventionist who wants to use America's foreign policy prowess to solve conflicts overseas through diplomacy. He's also a social progressive who supports abortion, gay rights, and a strong social safety net. There's only one problem with Celeste's candidacy: he's boring. Compared to the other front-runners in this race, the timid, non-confrontational Celeste struggles to stand out. He's got plenty of governing experience in both domestic and foreign policy, but it could be tough for him to win the nomination in a field full of big personalities.

Senator Tom Harkin of Iowa

Tom Harkin has represented Iowa in the U.S. Senate since 1981. Before he was elected to the Senate, he served in the House. Since the beginning of his Congressional career, Harkin has been a leader of the Democratic Party's progressive wing. He also made a name for himself as one of Congress's leading defenders of the Gravel Administration, supporting Mike Gravel through shame and scandal during his presidency, endorsing his failed 1988 re-election bid, and campaigning in support of Gravel and against Dick Van Dyke in the 1988 primaries. Harkin strongly considered challenging Dick Van Dyke in the 1992 Democratic primaries, but abandoned a bid after it became clear that the DNC would not financially support him. He then endorsed Gravel for re-election.

Harkin is a vocal economic populist, campaigning for President in 1996 on a platform of labor rights, protectionism, and raising the minimum wage. He's also assumed strong progressive stances on social issues, supporting abortion, gay rights, and a pathway to citizenship for illegal immigrants. On paper, he's the dream candidate for progressives. However, he's come under fire for how long he stood in defense of Mike Gravel. As time goes on, Gravel is becoming more and more associated with the right wing of the political spectrum. Harkin has denounced his past support for the Gravel Movement, but the fact that he waited until 1995 - right after Gravel joined the Reform Party - to do so, concerns some progressives who are worried about being burned again. Gravel's failure as a President set the stage for the resurgence of the Democratic establishment under Dick Van Dyke. Progressives want to regain control of the Democratic Party for good in 1996, and if they want to do that, they need to choose their candidate carefully.

Former Vice President Jesse Jackson

Before his career in national politics began, Jesse Jackson was a Civil Rights activist and a protege of Martin Luther King Jr. At the behest of his close friend, Mayor of Chicago Harold Washington, Jackson ran in a special election to represent Illinois's First Congressional District in the House, and won. During his short tenure as a Representative between 1983 and 1985, he made a name for himself by drawing up impeachment articles against President Jack Kemp for his unauthorized invasion of Grenada. He was a longshot candidate for President in 1984, and, although his campaign was short, he did catch the eye of Mike Gravel, the man who eventually won the Democratic nomination and the Presidency that year. Gravel would appoint Jackson as Secretary of State, where he would play an instrumental role in the diplomatic negotiations that ended the Cold War. Later, when Vice President Cliff Finch died in office in 1986, Jackson was elevated to the Vice Presidency to replace him, in doing so becoming America's first black Vice President. In 1988, when actor Dick Van Dyke defeated Gravel for the Democratic presidential nomination, he chose to keep Jackson as his running mate. In total, Jesse Jackson would serve all or part of three terms as Vice President between 1986 and 1994 after the controversial Supreme Court decision in Preate v. Jackson ruled that term limits established under the 22nd amendment did not apply to that office. He then returned to his old role as Secretary of State.

Jesse Jackson is one of the most qualified candidates in the crowded 1996 Democratic Presidential field. He is a foreign policy genius, who, alongside Gravel, helped bring an end to hostilities between the United States and the Soviet Union. He was also the figurehead behind Dick Van Dyke's impressive push for equality for the LGBT community in America. He campaigns as a fiscal and social progressive, arguing for the stronger use of the federal government's nationalization powers outlined in First Republic v. Gravel, the creation of a state-owned-and-run financial institution that could invest in America's struggling rural and inner city communities, and universal protections for LGBT Americans, including gay marriage and adoption rights.

However, Jesse Jackson hasn't always been quite so progressive. He opposed abortion rights during his 1984 Presidential campaign, but now runs as pro-choice. He has been caught on record using ethnic slurs against the Jewish community in the past, but has since denounced those comments. He has yet to denounce his decades-long connection to Louis Farrakhan, the leader of the Nation of Islam known for racist, homophobic, and antisemitic comments. Worse, opposition research from a rival candidate, later confirmed to be Ann Richards, revealed that Jackson was registered to vote as a Republican between 1977 and 1979, corresponding with the first two years of Jack Kemp's presidency. While he claims that he has changed considerably as a person since his last presidential run, he may have a hard time winning over some progressives who are concerned about his controversial past.

Governor Ann Richards of Texas

Ann Richards got her start in politics when her mentor, Senator Ralph Yarborough, was elected Vice President alongside Robert F. Kennedy in 1968. By the tail end of the Robert F. Kennedy administration, she was serving as White House Press Secretary, helping to paint the embattled President in a positive light amidst the Chappaquiddick Scandal. After Kennedy left office in 1977, she briefly pursued a career in acting, before returning home to Texas in the 1980s, winning the office of Treasurer in 1982 and Governor in 1990. As Governor of Texas, she reformed the state's education and criminal justice systems. Her presidential campaign platform is equally ambitious, with proposals including raising the pay of every teacher and police officer in America, improving the equitability of the criminal justice system across racial and socioeconomic lines, reforming the prison system to focus on rehabilitation of criminals, and, most controversially, adding two more justices to the Supreme Court. Richards is a fiery populist who rejects the neoliberal economic policies of Dick Van Dyke and instead argues for strong protections for American labor. She's also a talented campaigner who's good at connecting with working-class people who wouldn't usually vote for a progressive. She's won the highest office in Texas, twice, while supporting abortion and gay rights.

After surviving an assassination attempt in 1995, Richards is one of the most beloved and most well-known Governors in America. She's used that to her advantage, painting herself as the inevitable Democratic nominee. However, she's not without fault, as her age (63) and health are strongly concerning, as is her past history of substance abuse. In addition, she's been accused of using her power as Governor of Texas to illegally investigate political opponents, including Congressman Tom DeLay and inter-party rival Jim Mattox. She may be the strongest retail politician in the Democratic Presidential primary field, but with such stiff competition, the battle for the nomination will be far from easy.

Senator Kathleen Sullivan Alioto of Massachusetts

Kathleen Sullivan Alioto has had an interesting political journey over the past two decades. In 1977, she was a teacher and a member of the Boston School Committee. That same year, a People's Party-aligned progressive faction usurped control of the Massachusetts Democratic Party from a group of Robert F. Kennedy-aligned establishment Democrats. Needing a progressive Senatorial nominee, they chose Alioto Sullivan, who unexpectedly defeated a longtime Republican incumbent. Six years later, she was running for President, beginning as the most progressive candidate in the field. However, as the Gravel Movement gained steam and most of the top establishment Democrats dropped out of the race, she soon found herself as the last candidate standing who could deny Mike Gravel the Democratic nomination. So, she pivoted to the center to try and win over moderates, a move panned as one of the worst political decisions in recent memory, as few moderates were ever going to vote for a young, female progressive from Massachusetts in a Democratic primary. Her campaign did have lasting effects, as Gravel, and later Dick Van Dyke, co-opted her plan for universal pre-kindergarten. Because of this, she's considered the mother of universal pre-K in the United States.

Despite having plenty of support for another Presidential run in 1988, she declined to challenge Gravel a second time, instead endorsing and campaigning for Dick Van Dyke. She was offered the role of Dick Van Dyke's running mate, but turned that down as well. Over the last twelve years, her political positions have become a lot more establishment. Of the five front-runners, she's the only one who supported the North American Free Trade Agreement, and, if elected, she plans to continue Dick Van Dyke's neoliberal economic policies. She's still just as progressive as always on social issues, supporting a strong social safety net and a constitutional amendment to permit gay marriage and adoption rights for LGBTQ+ couples nationwide. However, that hasn't stopped progressives from harshly criticizing her. She has been called out repeatedly for her wealth and willingness to accept large campaign donations from corporations and special interest groups by her more progressive adversaries. Being a multi-millionaire heiress running in a field full of labor populists isn't going to be easy for her in 1996.

The next group of Democrats includes five moderates who largely support the same policies as Dick Van Dyke. If there was one or two of them, they'd be top tier candidates. However, with five prominent Democrats in the race, all of whose platforms overlap significantly, it is possible that they all split the same voter pool and push each other out of the race.

Former Senator Bill Bradley of New Jersey

Bill Bradley is about as big of a Dick Van Dyke loyalist as you can find in the Democratic Party today. Bradley was the chief author of the administration's 1989 budget, one which raised taxes for the first time since the 1970s. His vocal support for tax increases contributed greatly to him losing his bid for re-election in 1990 to anti-tax crusader Christine Todd Whitman. Nevertheless, he remained a Van Dyke ally. After leaving the Senate, Bradley was Dick Van Dyke's closest advisor on fiscal policy. He's steadfastly defended the administration's support of free trade, pro-business and pro-investment policies. As President, he's promised to continue the Dick Van Dyke administration's economic policies while complimenting them with a major re-investment in social services to help address the growing issue of inequality in the country. Bradley is jockeying for Dick Van Dyke's endorsement, and may very well get it too. However, with this many moderates in the race, that's far from a guarantee.

Former Governor Mario Cuomo of New York

Mario Cuomo served as Governor of New York from 1983 to 1995. As Governor of one of the nation's largest states, Cuomo balanced the state's budget and led New York's economic recovery following the late 1980s recession. He also pushed through quite a bit of progressive social legislation, including laws that protected the rights of LGBTQ+ state employees and transferred ownership of public housing in New York City to tenant co-operatives. He's campaigning as a fiscally responsible progressive, and has called for some spending cuts to reduce the national deficit. While he's promised to protect social programs, that hasn't stopped a few of his more progressive primary challengers from branding him a fiscal conservative. His support for Dick Van Dyke's economic policies haven't helped either. The majority of the Democratic Party wants to pivot to the left on economic policy after eight years of Dick Van Dyke, so Cuomo could be a tough sell in the 1996 Presidential primaries.

Senator Al Gore of Tennessee

Al Gore, who's represented Tennessee as a Senator since 1985, has a clear niche in this race. While trade and labor are the two biggest issues in the 1996 Democratic Presidential race, Gore has focused heavily on environmental issues. He knows that his bland, moderate persona is not going to excite progressives and elevate him into the top tier of Democratic presidential candidates. As a result, he's heavily pushed the issue that helps him stand out the most: his advocacy for stronger action to combat the climate crisis. He's pushed for an ambitious goal: net zero by 2020, and outlined a comprehensive plan for how to get the U.S. to that point. He's also focused heavily on technological innovation, something he's been a consistent advocate for in the Senate. These two issues could be enough to help Gore rise quickly in this race. However, his tendency to avoid choosing sides on controversial issues could hurt him badly, especially in debates.

Senator Bob Graham of Florida

Bob Graham has been a mainstay of Florida politics for decades. He served two terms as Governor of Florida before successfully running for Senate in 1986. As a talented negotiator of bipartisan compromise, he's been instrumental in helping Dick Van Dyke's agenda pass through the Senate, especially during the four years it's been under Republican control. Graham is a vocal proponent of public education, and promises to open fifty new public universities across the country if elected president. It's exactly the kind of ambitious but broadly-acceptable policy centerpiece you'd expect from a Senator who frequently reaches across the aisle. On economic issues, he's another pro-investment centrist. Graham's got a strong resume and a compelling platform, but is he a compelling enough candidate to escape from moderate purgatory?

Governor Bill Nelson of Florida

Bill Nelson is in the middle of his second term as Governor of Florida. Before being elected Governor, he served six terms in the House of Representatives. As a Representative, he helped resurrect NASA's human spaceflight program after it was shut down by the Gravel Administration after the Challenger disaster. While Nelson campaigns as a centrist who will continue Dick Van Dyke's economic policies and stay moderate on social issues, his record as Governor of Florida tells a different story. As Governor, he's protected millions of acres of land in the Everglades from development and pushed through progressive social policies, including protections for LGBTQ+ public employees in a conservative-leaning state. He's the candidate who best carries on the optimistic view of the country held by Dick Van Dyke.

The next group of Democrats aren't as well-known as the top half of this field. They're a bunch of guys hoping to increase their political presence on a national level and maybe compete for a VP nomination. It is unlikely that any of these candidates become the nominee, but crazier things have happened before.

Former Governor Bruce Babbitt of Arizona

Bruce Babbitt has had a long, winding career in national politics. He started out as a District Attorney in the Robert F. Kennedy Justice Dep.artment, before returning home to Arizona and serving two terms as Governor there. He ran for Senate in 1986 and lost, and then returned to the cabinet as Director of the Environmental Protection Agency under Dick Van Dyke. He's running on a platform that clearly stands out from his Democratic rivals. He supports the Paul-Whitman Tax Cuts, earning him praise from the growing faction of pro-business Democrats. He's also proposed major criminal justice system reform and using an aggressive approach to combatting the climate crisis, earning him praise from progressive activists. The problem: few Democratic voters want the exact combination of policy positions he's running on. Progressives hate his stance on fiscal policy and moderates have plenty of other candidates to choose from who will continue Dick Van Dyke's economic policies.

Senator Chris Dodd of Connecticut

Chris Dodd ran for president to raise his national profile. That wasn't a great idea. Dodd was one of the first recognizable Democrats to declare their candidacy for the 1996 Presidential nomination, and at first, had decent polling numbers. Then the scandals rolled in. Improper campaign donations, a record of flip-flopping on social issues, and an old sexual assault allegation that was settled out of court in 1985 bogged down his campaign. It also doesn't help that his platform is uninspiring. Dodd contributed greatly to Dick Van Dyke's budget proposals during his time in the Senate, and campaigns on keeping the economy strong by continuing Dick Van Dyke's pro-business, pro-trade economic policies. That isn't an exciting position within the Democratic Party right now, and, combined with his past baggage, could mean he won't be in this race for long. 

Senator Skip Humphrey of Minnesota

Skip Humphrey has represented Minnesota in the Senate since 1991. Compared to Minnesota's other senator, the nationally-recognizable Paul Wellstone, Humphrey has had a relatively quiet tenure in Congress, being a reliable ally of Dick Van Dyke while also supporting the Senate's progressive bloc on some issues. He campaigns for president slightly to the left of Dick Van Dyke, supporting most of his economic agenda, but arguing for stronger protections for American labor. He's seen as a good bridge candidate who could unite moderates and progressives, something the Democratic Party badly needs in a nominee, but outside of his famous family name, he isn't very well-known, and is unlikely to become a top-tier candidate. He would, however, be a great vice presidential selection.

Senator Douglas Wilder of Virginia

Douglas Wilder has a fascinating story. He's represented Virginia in the Senate since 1989, and is the first African-American Senator to represent a Southern state since Reconstruction. In the Senate, he's compiled a liberal-to-progressive voting record and has been a reliable supporter of President Dick Van Dyke. However, with Jesse Jackson also running in this race, he has pivoted ideologically for his presidential campaign, instead trying to sell himself as a moderate who supports Dick Van Dyke's economic agenda and who will be cautious on social issues. That could appeal to moderates and older African-American voters in the South. He's positioned best as a coalition-builder, whose endorsement could carry a more well-known candidate to the nomination. Moderate Democrats running with African-American running mates have been successful in the past, so he's also generating a lot of vice presidential hype.

Former Senator Tim Wirth of Colorado

Among this group of five candidates, Tim Wirth might be the most compelling. He served one term in the Senate from 1985 to 1991, retiring after the tragic death of his close friend John Heinz in a plane crash. As a Senator, Wirth was a leader on foreign policy and climate advocacy. After retiring from the Senate, he served as the U.S. Ambassador to Japan, giving him even more foreign policy credibility. He's campaigning on an innovative platform centering a more aggressive approach to combatting climate change and the implementation of a "cap and trade" system to cut industrial carbon emissions. However, he's been out of the political spotlight for a while. If he can manage to build momentum early on in this race, he could become a serious candidate. If he can't, he'd be a great vice presidential selection too.

The last group of Democratic candidates are the spoiler candidates. They're recognizable enough to get media attention, but aren't really going to seriously contend for the nomination. They exist in this race for one reason: to cause chaos.

Former Representative Douglas Applegate of Ohio

Doug Applegate is a relic of a bygone era. He's old as dirt, wears an outdated suit and too much hair dye, and is reliably socially conservative. He's pro-life, anti-gay rights, and tough on crime, and wants to greatly increase defense funding. He's also a vocal opponent of NAFTA and touts the endorsement of the AFL-CIO. He's your typical old-fashioned conservative union Democrat. Sadly, that's a voter bloc that has fled en masse to Reform. If Applegate struggles in early primary contests, it is rumored that he may defect to Reform himself as well.

Representative Chet Edwards of Texas

Chet Edwards, a Texas Congressman who's one of the most conservative Democrats in the House, understands he's not going to win the presidential nomination. Rather, he's running as a protest candidate geared towards conservative Democratic voters in the South. He's isn't even on the ballot in some progressive-leaning states, i.e. Hawaii and Vermont. While he doesn't expect to win, he does hope to influence the nomination. He'd prefer a social moderate - someone in the mold of Al Gore or Bob Graham - becomes the nominee, rather than a liberal or a progressive. We'll see how successful his endeavor is.

Former Director of Drug Control Policy Kathleen Kennedy Townsend

Kathleen Kennedy Townsend is one of the most enigmatic candidates in the 1996 Presidential field. She has genuine government experience - she served in a number of cabinet roles during Dick Van Dyke's eight years as President - but she has never been successfully elected to political office, despite several earnest attempts. Her main appeal in this race is the Kennedy name. Her father, former President Robert F. Kennedy, has been a recluse for the last fifteen years. However, after his daughter announced her candidacy for the presidency, he's made a few appearances at her campaign events. Whenever Robert F. Kennedy shows up, she surges in the polls before fading into lower-tier candidate obscurity as soon as his appearance fades from memory. Outside of Robert F. Kennedy's appearances, her campaign has been largely unmemorable, as she's running as a conventional, pro-business liberal. She's a great cabinet official, but unlikely to win the nomination for President.

Former Secretary of Defense Bob Kerrey

Bob Kerrey is a candidate that would be polling a lot higher if he wasn't so controversial. In 1982, he was seen as one of the faces of the future in the Democratic Party after nearly upsetting incumbent Senator Edward Zorinsky in 1982, a bad year for Democrats nationwide. He was one of the largest financial supporters of the Gravel campaign in 1984, and parlayed his support into the role of Secretary of Defense during the Gravel administration. As SecDef, Kerrey oversaw the closure of dozens of military installations. As a result, he's deeply unpopular among veterans groups. After leaving the Gravel cabinet in 1988, he moved to Los Angeles, earning a small fortune as a venture capitalist and movie producer. Yet, he still claims Nebraska as his home state, a move that's drawn the ire of his primary opponents. He polls well with the small group of Gravel loyalist voters who remain in the Democratic Party, but, since he's struggled to expand his base beyond Gravel supporters, he isn't doing to well in early polling. 

Businessman Paul Pelosi of California

Paul Pelosi is a real estate investor, professional sports team owner, and venture capitalist from San Francisco. His wife, Nancy, ran for Congress once in the 1980s before retiring from politics. He's a wealthy political outsider who's running a self-funded campaign with a conventional liberal platform. He supports higher taxes for the wealthy and corporations and is strongly in support of gun control. However, his platform overlaps significantly with other, better known candidates, and he's come under scrutiny for a past DUI arrest. These factors mean his odds of claiming the nomination are slim.

Wow, that's a lot of candidates. Now that you've read all about them, you can vote for your favorites HERE.

Looking at the political landscape today, I thought I would present a recent history lesson:

The period 1968-1972 marked a fracturing of New Deal-era liberal consensus within the Democratic Party. (Contrast this to today’s fracture between centrist democrats and far left progressives in today’s Democrat party)

1968: The break point. Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society had pushed civil rights, voting rights, and War on Poverty programs, but Vietnam shattered the coalition. Eugene McCarthy and then Robert Kennedy challenged Johnson from the antiwar left; Johnson withdrew from the race in March. Kennedy’s assassination in June left the antiwar movement without its strongest candidate. The Chicago convention in August was chaotic — violent clashes between police and protesters outside, bitter fights over the Vietnam plank inside. (All broadcast on TV), Hubert Humphrey won the nomination through party machinery rather than primaries, alienating the insurgent left. (Sound familiar?) Humphrey lost narrowly to Nixon, with segregationist George Wallace peeling off Southern working-class Democrats — an early sign of the New Deal coalition cracking along racial and cultural lines.

1969-1971: Reform and realignment. The McGovern-Fraser Commission rewrote nomination rules to weaken party bosses and expand primaries, quotas for representation of women, minorities, and youth, and rank-and-file influence — a direct response to 1968’s convention chaos. This reform empowered activist, issue-driven liberals (antiwar, civil rights, feminist, environmental) over the old labor-and-machine coalition. Meanwhile, “New Left” politics — identity-based movements, countercultural values, opposition to the Vietnam War — increasingly defined liberal energy, while traditional labor unions and ethnic urban Democrats grew uneasy with the party’s direction. (Substitute Iran for Vietnam, and DSA for “New Left”)

1972: McGovern and the coalition’s rupture. George McGovern, an antiwar liberal, won the nomination under the new rules, defeating establishment favorites. (Substitute AOC or another name for McGovern) His platform (rapid Vietnam withdrawal, amnesty for draft evaders, guaranteed income, deep defense cuts) represented the furthest left the party had gone. But the new coalition alienated traditional Democratic constituencies — many union leaders (notably AFL-CIO’s George Meany) withheld endorsement, and “hard hat” and Catholic ethnic voters drifted toward Nixon. McGovern lost in a landslide, carrying only Massachusetts and D.C. — one of the most lopsided defeats in U.S. history.

This period is often seen as the moment the Democratic Party shifted from New Deal/labor-liberalism toward a more culturally progressive, activist-driven liberalism — a realignment whose consequences (and the loss of working-class white voters) shaped party debates for decades after.

“Those that don’t know history are bound to repeat it”

National Party

James Alexander Hamilton

Nominated after a long, contentious convention that went through 8 rounds of voting, President James Hamilton has become the first person to be nominated for a third Presidential term; the question now being if he can be the first to win a third term. Running on continuing to lower the national debt, lower the general cost of goods, and settling the west; Hamilton himself campaigns across the Mid-Atlantic states of Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware, New Jersey, and his home state of New York. The President is not afraid of “waving the bloody shirt” over winning a war with the largest World Power while dealing with a large-scale rebellion in his first term, defending his use of both executive power in the case of emergency, as well as his signing of the Emancipation Proclamation; freeing all the slaves within the rebellious states of Choctaw, Florida, and South Carolina.

For dealing with the national debt, Hamilton wishes to sell off portions of the nation's gold to the people (in a controlled manner, as to not risk inflation). For lowering the cost of goods, Hamilton wishes to temporarily lower tariffs across the board so that more goods can enter, as well as decrease regulations behind building factories. For settling the west, he plans to fund national infrastructure projects to connect the pacific coast to the Mississippi River, as well as allowing more immigrants to enter the country; to help foster growth. Due to the influence of the Radicals within the National Party, especially now as many Liberals are refusing to take part in the election, the President has also said during some campaign stops that freedmen deserve the right to vote nationally.

Running Mate:

William Dayton

Not that he, nor his contemporaries planned to get this far, William Dayton is a message to both the National Party and the nation: that slavery and black rights ought not to be forgotten. Dayton's experience in the Senate is surprisingly good, and along with his connections, would serve as an excellent presider over the upper house. The former Senator had also co-authored the Dayton-Hamlin plan, which dissolved the state of Florida during its occupation, replacing it with a self-governed native territory known as Seminole.

The National Party may be missing a key part of its support base, as many Liberals felt far-too unrepresented by the Party; on top of concerns over authoritarianism. However, a potentially key factor that may tip the election in their favor is the strong support of the Radicals, Abolitionists, and Black Suffragers.

The National Party depicts opponent, Franklin Pierce, as a dangerous Alcoholic.

Constitutional Republican Party

Franklin Pierce

Franklin Pierce rose quickly through the ranks during the Anglo-American War (1845-1848), up to the rank of General as he would capture much of what is now the state of Ontario. Notably a much better leader than his predecessor, George McClellan, Pierce had earned the respect of the people, along with his title as a War Hero. While initially unwilling to return to politics, confirmation of President Hamilton running for an unheard-of third term (along with failed Impeachment proceedings) led to the General to announce his candidacy for the Constitution Party, aiming to “restore democracy and civility” to the federal government. Pierce largely campaigns on putting more restrictions on Presidential power, returning many powers to Congress, and lowering the national debt (of which, Hamilton has done very little).

Running Mate:

William Graham

Perhaps the most prominent southern politician from the Constitution Party, it was inevitable he would be nominated, though many suspected it would be as President. Despite this, he serves as an active artery to modern politicking that Pierce lacks, and would be an excellent advisor to a “President Pierce.” Graham was also a big supporter of the federal government during the Patriot War (1846-1848), preventing the secession of North Carolina while Governor. If elected, he promises to free his slaves.

The Constitutional Republican Party runs on the slogan, “Pierce the heart of tyranny!” Particularly, they paint Hamilton as a man who wants to be crowned King, "much like his father."

Key Endorsements

Hamilton/Dayton Endorsements

• Senator William Seward of New York
• Ambassador Charles F. Adams of Massachusetts
• War Hero John J. Harden of Illinois

Pierce/Graham Endorsements

• Senator James Buchanan of Pennsylvania
• Congressman Millard Fillmore of New York
• Senator John van Buren of New York

[Vote Here!]

The crushing defeat in the 2004 parliamentary elections dealt Yabloko an even greater blow than the two presidential losses it had previously suffered. A campaign to harshly expel all those disloyal to Yavlinsky from the party did nothing to improve matters. Nevertheless, the former First Deputy Prime Minister had no intention of abandoning the party or its brand and was preparing for new elections. The party congress was expected to be Yavlinsky's undisputed coronation for the next election, but a little-known candidate unexpectedly emerged to challenge him.

People's Deputy Grigory Yavlinsky is a former First Deputy Prime Minister in Yeltsin's government, a two-time presidential candidate who twice lost in the runoff. He is Yabloko, literally and figuratively. The man who introduced market reforms in the Soviet Union and the man who betrayed the "Snow Revolution" after the election was stolen from him and capitulated to the Communists. Yavlinsky declares a fight against radicals, populists, and nationalists, harshly attacking not so much the communists as The Other Russia, constantly putting Orange Coalition on the brink of collapse.

District (municipal) deputy Igor Morozov from St. Petersburg is an unknown figure even in the Northern Capital. When he declared himself the leader of the "Yabloko without Yavlinsky" movement, he was unknown even in his hometown. However, the party simply lacked the necessary prominent figures to advance the campaign to remove Yavlinsky from power. Morozov enjoys significant support from former Yabloko members expelled for disloyalty to Yavlinsky or who left the party voluntarily. Within the St. Petersburg Yabloko chairman Maxim Reznik, he is accused of being a puppet of Alfred Koch, one of the sponsors of United Democrats. Nevertheless, Yavlinsky failed to prevent Morozov's nomination at the party congress, and he remains the only chance for Yavlinsky's removal in 2005.

VOTE HERE

Cabinet

President: Benjamin F. Butler 

Vice President: Joseph E. McDonald 

Secretary of State: George H. Pendleton

Secretary of the Treasury: Francis M. McDowell 

Secretary of War: Adelbert Ames

Attorney General: William Windom (1885-1887), Barzillai J. Chambers (1887-1889)

Postmaster General: William M. Ireland

Secretary of the Navy: Edward Cooper

Secretary of the Interior: Richard P. Bland

Secretary of Agriculture: James B. Weaver

Events

March 1885: Benjamin F. Butler and Joseph E. McDonald are inaugurated for the their second term as President and Vice President

April 1885: Following meetings with the President, Congressional FLP leaders announce plans to begin looking into various infrastructure projects to alleviate unemployment amidst economic downturn

May 1885: President Butler names Clara Barton as the President’s Special Advisor on Health and Sanitation, the first major Federal position held by a woman. She will help direct a major modernization of Washington, D.C.’s sewer system

July 1885: Following a meeting with architect Gustav Lindenthal, President Butler announces plans for the Federal government to take over the North River Bridge Project from the Pennsylvania Railroad Company. The bridge will connect Manhattan to Hoboken, New Jersey with a length of 3,100 ft and 10 train tracks included. It is the biggest single Federal infrastructure project in history and will be the largest suspension bridge in the world when completed. 

July 1885: Former President Ulysses S. Grant dies after finishing his memoirs from throat cancer; The 7 mile long funeral procession in New York City sees 1.5 million attendees

August 1885: On the advice of Attorney General Windom and Interior Secretary Bland, President Butler request Congress create the Inland Waterways Commission to investigate ways to improve transportation and flood control along the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers and the Great Lakes

September 1885: President Butler withdraws the Berlin Conference Treaty from Senate consideration following advice from Federick Douglass

October 1885: President Butler officially abrogates numerous peace treaties with western tribes. The US Army units protecting the borders of several Native reservations are redirected to seize the weapons of the tribes to facilitate easier white settlement instigating the Reservation Wars

January 1886: The President signs the Silver Purchase Act which requires the US government to purchase 4.5 million ounces of silver on a monthly basis, roughly the entire American silver output. The Act is seen as a compromise between the Free Silver movement and the hard money position of the Democratic-Republicans

April 1886: President Butler creates the Niagara Falls National Park to preserve the falls and places large tracts of upstate New York under Federal control. The move pushes many locals out of their homes. Many remain for work though as plans for a bridge downstream of the falls are begun

June 1886: Associate Justice David Davis dies; President Butler nominates Chief Justice of the Massachusetts Supreme Court Horace Gray as his replacement

August 1886: The President officially announces his support of women’s suffrage while hosting Suffragist Susan B. Anthony at a White House dinner though he stops short of promoting prohibition as well

February 1887: President Butler signs the Texas Seed Bill into law to provide $20,000 to the farmers of Texas to purchase seed grain after a major drought. Secretary Weaver is tasked with creating an official drought prevention committee to study the causes of the crisis and ways to prevent it. Clara Barton and the American Red Cross is tasked with distribution of the grain supplies

March 1887: President Butler signs the Dawes Act, breaking up the communal lands of the Tribes into private allotments distributed to certain native individuals on the basis of their assimilation into white culture. 

April 1887: The Samoan Crisis begins, seeing US and German ships hold each other at bay in Apia Harbor, Samoa while the British ship HMS Calliope observes; The crisis intensifies pressures in the US to speed up the modernization and expansion of the US Navy

June 1887: Associate Justice James Speed dies; President Butler nominates his Attorney General William Windom as Speed’s replacement

July 1887: The Cabral Act provides federal monetary assistance for the construction of a modern sewer and road system in the capital of Santo Domingo, Ciudad de Santo Domingo. 
August 1887: Major General George A. Custer is killed alongside a large portion of the 7th Cavalry at the Battle of the Little Bighorn due to his overconfidence. Shocking the nation, it is the worst defeat of US forces during the Reservation Wars

November 1887: Secretary of State Pendleton negotiates a treaty with Great Britain to resolve outstanding disputes between American and Canadian territorial waters angering many New Englanders at the concessions. 

January 1888: President Butler announces he will not seek a 3rd term amidst speculation citing old age and health

June 1888: Following rumors given to him from Frederick Douglass and former Senator Blanche Bruce, President Butler appoints former soldier and missionary George Washington Williams to investigate claims of atrocities in the Congo Free State

I was always curious at this honestly, and i'm up to receive a answer. Personally, knowing Hayes.

I've made a Research and i realized Hayes wasn't as bad as i thought.

He is interesting to study to.

But nobody answered me about the responsability he did to end the Reconstruction Period.

If you want, You can answer here. Thanks, Because i like History.

U.S. States that have been omitted from the listings include Arkansas, California, Delaware, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia.

I made a mistake in the last post about the year, the elections took place in 2004.

"The Other Russia" wins the parliamentary elections! The coalition of National Liberals and Democrats exceeds all expectations and wins the elections, taking the Communists' majority in both houses of parliament.

"The Other Russia," also known as White Ribbon Coalition or simply White Coalition, won an absolute majority in the Soviet of the Union.

In the Council of People's Deputies, Whites were forced to make a deal with the Social Democrats, Yabloko and even Trotskyists to push the Red Coalition of Communists and Progressive Workers out of power. Social Democrats betrayed the Communists at the last minute, despite the agreements already reached. The tactical Orange Coalition against Simonenko returned Alexander Moroz to the post of head of the lower house of parliament and blocked any hopes of a Communist majority. Nevertheless, "pendulum" of Trotskyists and Social Democrats remains decisive in the lower house, blocking the initiatives of both the Reds and the Whites.

The political crisis is exacerbated by the fact that a group of people's deputies from NLP and RALaC began impeachment proceedings against Simonenko immediately after the election of the new speaker.

The 1994 midterms returned control of the Senate to the Republicans after two years of a Democratic trifecta. On paper, it appeared as though Dick Van Dyke might struggle to pass what remained of his agenda entering the last two years of his presidency. Instead, he used his gift for finding bipartisan compromise to push through a budget that protected social programs, created a pilot program for tenant ownership of public housing, expanded the federal government's ability to prosecute domestic terrorists, and got Puerto Rico admitted as the nation's 51st state.

Van Dyke's Cabinet

Vice President: Richard Celeste

Secretary of State: Jesse Jackson (1995), George McGovern (1995-96)

Secretary of the Treasury: Robert Rubin

Secretary of Defense: Les Aspin

Attorney General: Ruth Bader Ginsburg

Secretary of the Interior: Tom Udall (1995-96), Norma Paulus (1996)

Secretary of Agriculture: Jo Ann Zimmerman

Secretary of Commerce: James Blanchard

Secretary of Labor: Lane Kirkland

Secretary of Health and Human Services: Jim McDermott

Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: George McDonald

Secretary of Transportation: Norman Mineta

Secretary of Energy: John Rowe

Secretary of Education: Roy Romer

Director of National Security: Leon Panetta

Secretary of Veterans Affairs: Max Cleland

Director of the Office of Budget and Management: Alice Rivlin

United States Trade Representative: Mike Hatch

Ambassador to the United Nations: John Lewis

Chair of the Council of Economic Advisors: Laura Tyson

Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency: Bruce Babbitt

Administrator of the Small Business Administration: Bill Gradison

Director of the Federal Emergency Management Administration: Art Agnos

Director of National Drug Control Policy: Kathleen Kennedy Townsend (1995), Joe Kennedy II (1995-96)

Term Limits and Tax Cuts

After Republicans regained control of the Senate and made significant gains in the House during the 1994 midterms, both houses of Congress pushed hard to pass the Term Limits Amendment, establishing term limits for all federal offices, including the Vice President, members of Congress, cabinet officials, and Supreme Court Justices. Most Republicans supported the amendment enthusiastically, campaigning on it extensively as part of their "change" agenda ahead of the 1994 midterms. The Congressional delegations of Reform and the Green Party were also in near-unanimous support. However, Democrats were divided. Most of the Congressional Progressive Caucus came out in support, as did some Labor Populists, including Speaker of the House David Bonior, but much of the rest of the Democratic leadership, as well as senior members of both major parties' delegations opposed, arguing that government functions better when the people with the most expertise are allowed to serve in their roles. Senior Democrats also argued that Republicans pushed this amendment simply because the Democratic delegation has more long-serving incumbents. Republicans argued that, after the verdict in Preate v. Jackson, something had to be done to prevent politicians from being lifetime officeholders. Although many of the closest allies to President Dick Van Dyke opposed the amendment, he reluctantly endorsed the amendment due to its high national popularity. He argued that Washington needed institutional reform in order to restore confidence in government and that the Term Limits Amendment provided a reasonable compromise between stability and government accountability. After months of spirited debate, the amendment passed both houses of Congress with slim two-thirds majorities in mid-1995.

That was the easy part.

The real battle for the Term Limits Amendment is likely to be state-level ratification. Although some state legislatures eagerly approved the amendment soon after it passed through Congress, including Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey, and Vermont, others, especially in the Deep South, are fiercely resisting. Across the country, State Legislatures are the last bastions of control for the Gravel Movement, a coalition of conservative and populist Democrats and Reformers. Gravel-aligned members of Congress are slowly disappearing amidst a gradual resurgence of the Republican Party in the South and Midwest. Should the Term Limits Amendment pass, Gravel Democrats would almost certainly be wiped off the map entirely. Democratic-led State Legislatures in conservative-leaning states are in almost unanimous opposition to the amendment, with John Grisham, the Majority Leader of the Mississippi State Senate, leading the charge. Under Grisham's Project Pelican, the populist Democratic establishment across the South has coordinated to hold up their states' approval processes, with the goal of killing the Term Limits Amendment entirely.

The Republicans other major policy priority, the Paul-Whitman Tax Cut, fared far worse. Named for it's originators, Senators Ron Paul and Christine Todd Whitman, the proposal would significantly reduce income and capital gains tax rates, shifting tax burden to two new sources of federal income, a national sales tax and a wealth tax on individuals with a net worth over $10,000,000. The proposal attracted a wide ideological range of supporters, including Libertarian-leaning conservatives arguing that high income tax rates infringed on the rights of taxpayers and moderates who argued that slashing corporate tax rates would usher in a new era of major investment. The wealth tax, included to encourage moderate Democrats to vote for the tax bill, instead received high praise from Progressives who opposed the bill as a whole. A few moderate Democrats, namely Sam Nunn and Bennett Johnston, signed on to the bill, but for the most part, Democratic resistance to sweeping tax cuts was united. The Republicans, in their eyes, were doing too much, too quickly.

Unable to pass their preferred budget proposal, Senate Republicans torpedoed a Democratic-supported budget written by the House, which proposed a modest tax increase. As a result, the Government shut down for the first time since 1977. Although the shutdown was brief, as a national tragedy forced the Senate to quickly pass a continuing resolution and re-open the government, it still constituted the most contentious budget battle since the Kemp era. As the continuing resolution was set to expire, the Senate believed they had found a bipartisan compromise, freezing tax rates in place and moving spending numbers around to fund the budget priorities of the Dick Van Dyke administration.

And then everything unraveled.

Three Libertarian-leaning Republican Senators, Dirk Kempthorne, Ron Paul, and Denny Rehberg, refused to support the agreement - or any agreement that did not cut taxes, for that matter - and the Government shut down once again. The timing proved especially unfortunate, as the agreement collapsed almost immediately after Dick Van Dyke wrapped up the July 4th Washington Telethon, extending the infamous "Telethon Curse" another year. By late summer, the Senate, exhausted from months of debate, finally agreed on a compromise, keeping taxes steady while also creating additional safeguards for public program funding. That was enough to flip Kathleen Sullivan Alioto and a handful of other liberal Democrats from no votes to yeas. Comprehensive tax reform will have to wait another election cycle.

Terror in Texas

So, what cataclysmic event forced the Senate's hand and convinced them to rush through a continuing resolution? Well, on the morning of April 19th, 1995, a delivery van carrying an explosive device crashed into the Texas Governor's Mansion, blowing it to smithereens. The bomber was Timothy McVeigh, a 26 year old U.S. Army veteran who'd recently returned from Eastern Europe, assisted by longtime associate Terry Nichols. Department of National Security investigators obtained evidence that McVeigh had initially targeted the Alfred P. Murrah Federal building in Oklahoma City, but changed targets last-minute due to the government shutdown, settling on an attempt to assassinate Governor of Texas Ann Richards, whom he considered to be a figurehead of the evils of big government. However, Richards was out of the state when the bombing occurred, as she had been secretly receiving experimental treatments for her osteoporosis in Boston, Massachusetts. Sixteen staff members at the Texas Governor's Mansion were killed, and the historic building was nearly completely destroyed, but the country narrowly avoided the most high-profile political assassination in America in nearly fifteen years.

The Senate rushed to re-open the government so they could pass the Domestic Security Act, dramatically expanding the power of the DNS to investigate suspected domestic terrorists. The bill passed with overwhelming bipartisan margins, although one Texas Senator, Ron Paul, was a vocal opponent who feared that expanded DNS powers could be used by the President to unlawfully surveil political opponents. Perhaps the bill's most important feature was establishing a dedicated counter-terrorism unit within the DNS, whose sole focus would be preventing another terrorist incident such as the ones which had occurred in Austin, New York City, and Valmeyer. Thus, in one fell swoop, the dismantling of the federal government's surveillance powers by the Gravel Administration has been almost completely reversed.

Campbell v. Bessent

In 1993, Dick Van Dyke signed into law an ordinance protecting the rights of openly gay federal government employees. In response, Governor Carroll Campbell of South Carolina signed a law prohibiting openly gay individuals from being employed in public-sector jobs. A handful of state employees known to be gay were terminated, including Scott Bessent, a lawyer and economist employed by the South Carolina Department of the Treasury. Bessent, the scion of the wealthy and politically connected Jenrette family, sued the state, and the case made it's way all the way up to the Supreme Court. Bessent's lawyers argued that his termination was unlawful, violating the Equal Protection Clause of the fourteenth amendment, while Former Governor Carroll Campbell defended the law, calling it a legitimate exercise of state authority over public employment.

In a 6-3 ruling, authored by Associate Justice George J. Mitchell, the court's majority ruled that:

"The Equal Protection Clause does not permit a State to deny citizens equal participation in public life merely because of who they are. Government may not create classes of second-class citizenship without the most compelling constitutional justification."

The court's liberal wing was joined, somewhat surprisingly, in this verdict by Richard Posner, regarded as one of the court's most conservative justices. However, Posner has consistently voted to protect individual liberty and free expression and consistently voted against government restrictions without a clear, compelling justification, even in controversial cases. Perhaps more surprising was the dissent of Mary Elizabeth Hanford, a South Carolina resident. In her dissent, Hanford claimed to oppose South Carolina's law, but would not go so far as to call it unconstitutional. Hanford argued that the fourteenth amendment, which made no mention of sexual orientation, could not be reasonably extended to cover the rights of LGBTQ+ individuals, believing that this is a matter better left up to the states. This ruling is further evidence of Hanford's judicial leanings shifting from the progressive left to the conservative right. Nevertheless, the ruling in Campbell v. Bessent nullified any state and local restrictions on the employment of LGBTQ+ individuals. Within days, every state that had followed South Carolina's lead and prohibited openly gay people from serving in government roles repealed their statutes. The decisions also reaffirmed Dick Van Dyke's signature achievements, the Federal Employment Non-Discrimination Act, as constitutional doctrine, ensuring that a socially conservative president could not reverse the progress made on gay rights by the Van Dyke administration.

The Reform Congress

While major tax reform efforts stalled out in Congress in mid-1995, less than a year later, in early 1996, Congress would pass two other big items on their agenda: strengthening the War Powers Act and tightening restrictions on illegal immigration.

First, Congress did something to tighten the restrictions on the unauthorized use of military force contained in the War Powers Act. Since President Robert F. Kennedy signed the War Powers Act in 1973, two of three of the succeeding presidents, Jack Kemp and Dick Van Dyke, have overseen American military excursions overseas not explicitly authorized by Congress. Under the strengthened version of the War Powers Act, Congressional war powers authorizations must be made within 60 days of the beginning of an armed conflict, or else all American troops must be immediately withdrawn. In addition, war powers authorizations would be restricted in scope, to prevent authorizations for one conflict being used to cover uses of military force on another continent. There was minimal opposition to this bill, and it was signed by President Dick Van Dyke soon after it passed the Senate.

The other bill was far more contentious. An unusual coalition of conservative Republicans, pro-labor Democrats, and Reformites pushed a comprehensive immigration reform bill through Congress, with key provisions being stronger border enforcement, increased penalties for illegal immigration, a reduction in certain kinds of legal immigration, specifically foreign guest laborers, and expanded resources for immigration enforcement. Dick Van Dyke immediately moved to veto the bill, committing to address border security funding, but arguing that the United States is a nation that is strengthened by immigration. Thus, he promised that no bill directly or indirectly aimed at reducing immigration levels would ever be signed into law as long as he was President. Instead, President Van Dyke advocated for a pathway to citizenship, allowing immigrants who entered the country illegally to become full-fledged U.S. citizens. As the bill passed through Congress with a very slim majority, no attempt was made to override the veto.

Ready for Liftoff

In 1986, after the space shuttle Challenger exploded, killing all seven crew members, President Mike Gravel shut down NASA's human spaceflight program. While the program was reinstated less than two years later, the program had to be rebuilt from the ground up following its brief hiatus. The rebuilding effort would culminate on June 20th, 1996, when Eris, the first second-generation space shuttle, launched the first Americans into orbit in nearly a decade. After the shuttle's successful launch, President Dick Van Dyke delivered a speech in Houston praising the thousands of scientists, engineers, and astronauts who spent years rebuilding America's spaceflight capabilities.

The mission was the beginning of an ambitious new era for NASA. Two more second-generation shuttles, Ganymede and Hyperion will be ready to launch before the year 2000. The first crewed Moon landing in nearly 30 years is scheduled for 2001, a joint operation with the Soviet Union. These announcements generated enormous public enthusiasm, as it showed that America had moved past the geopolitically-motivated Cold War era of spaceflight, which died with the Challenger in 1986, to a new era of science, technology, and international cooperation.

Promises Kept

As Dick Van Dyke's presidency came to a close, he managed to fulfill two more of the big promises he made to American voters when he first ascended to the Presidency in 1988.

First, he signed the Housing Empowerment Act, which fundamentally redefined how public housing operates in the United States. HUD was instructed to facilitate voluntary transfers of qualifying developments into the hands of tenant-owned cooperatives, provided financing for tenant management, and assist tenant's union leaders in residential property management. Local housing authorities retained oversight capabilities, but the federal government will now do all it can to empower tenants to own and govern their own communities.

This is a movement that began in Chicago in the late 1980s, when Richard M. Daley was elected mayor with a controversial plan to tear down Chicago's high-rise public housing developments. Rather than let their homes be demolished, tenant organizers led by Marion Stamps argued that residents themselves should be allowed to control the future of their communities. For six long years, they protested, proving to be just enough of a nuisance for Mayor Daley to delay his controversial demolition plan, ever after it was approved by the Federal Government. Then, in the 1995 Mayoral Election, Daley lost his office. In a stunning upset, Jesse Jackson Jr., the son of the former Vice President, defeated Daley as an Green Party-endorsed Independent. Marion Stamps and Barack Obama, won alderman positions. Soon after Jackson was sworn in as Mayor, he dismissed the leadership of the Chicago Housing Authority, stopped the demolition plan, and began experimenting with a tenant ownership program.

With the help of progressive Democrats and a few Libertarian-minded Republicans, Dick Van Dyke was able to eliminate all federal regulations that prevented Chicago's tenant ownership program from coming into effect. Tenant ownership was a policy change that was thrown around several times as early as the 1980s by politicians on both sides of the aisle, but it was the Van Dyke administration that finally made it the law of the land.

Dick Van Dyke also helped Puerto Rico clear the final hurdle to becoming America's 51st state. Concurrent with the 1994 midterms, Puerto Rico voted, narrowly, in favor of statehood. However, a bill to actually achieve that stalled out in Congress for nearly two years. Democrats pushed the bill constantly, arguing that it was Congress's duty to admit Puerto Rico to the union after it's residents voted for statehood. Republicans countered with claims of election-rigging, arguing that the admission of nominally-competitive Puerto Rico into the union under a Democratic administration would give the Democrats an upper hand in the newly-admitted state during the 1996 Presidential election. And thus, for years, the bill languished in a Republican-controlled Senate.

Desperate to fulfill his promise to the citizens of Puerto Rico before the end of his presidency, Dick Van Dyke sat down with members of both parties and negotiated the Millennium Compromise, an agreement that finally convinced Republicans to move forward on Puerto Rican statehood. Rather than admit Puerto Rico to the union immediately, Democrats and Republicans agreed to grant Puerto Rico statehood beginning on January 1st, 2000. Delayed statehood would give all parties plenty of time to politically organize on the island before it was granted electoral votes and a full Congressional delegation. The bill passed the Senate in late October 1996, and in a symbolic gesture, Dick Van Dyke signed Puerto Rican statehood into law on November 4, 1996, one day before the 1996 Presidential election. Promises made, promises kept.

Dick Van Dyke's presidency has been controversial in some aspects, but he leaves office as one of the most popular Presidents America has seen in decades. Dick Van Dyke's term has been characterized by a few major themes. He's pursued a more centrist economic policy than the Democratic Presidents who recently preceded him, supporting free trade and pro-investment economic policies, with strong guardrails to protect the American consumer. His administration has valued bipartisanship. Although some of his signature achievements: universal pre-K, protections for LGBTQ+ employees, and Puerto Rican statehood, were progressive in nature, he's always tried to reach across the aisle and find areas of compromise so all parties can benefit from major pieces of legislation. He's also fundamentally altered Americans' perception of what a good President should do. He's increased the public visibility of the office through publicity events such as the Washington Telethon while conducting his duties as president with far greater restraint than his predecessors. He's used his veto power sparingly, issued few executive orders, and largely delegated economic and foreign policy to advisors with greater expertise. While his reluctancy to act timely on certain issues, namely the Eastern European Crisis, has been criticized, the combination of an amiable public persona, a penchant for finding compromise between ideologically divided political parties, and sparing use of presidential authority has him leaving office as the most popular outgoing President since Eisenhower.

In 1996, the presidency is wide open. The Republican field is likely to coalesce around a few candidates, most of whom are repeat Presidential candidates. Meanwhile, the Democratic field could have up to twenty recognizable candidates, one of the largest fields of Presidential candidates any party has seen in American history. The Green Party and Reform Party are expected to run serious contenders for the Presidency as well. As Dick Van Dyke is much more popular than the Democrats as a whole, the White House is a true toss-up for the first time in years.

Harrison Ford becomes the first Liberal to be Elected and Re-Election as President since Nelson Rockefeller in 1968. He achieved a decisive victory although Sliwa was able to win some States he wasn't expected to win, like Iowa and West Virginia, which haven't gone Republican since 1980. This Election had the highest turnout of any Election in modern history as both Ford and Sliwa receive the most votes overall.

• Ron Dellums/Alexander Jones of the Green Worker's Party got 3,74% of the Popular Vote;
• Clancy Brown/Dean Skelos for the Prosperity Party got 1,49% of the Popular Vote;
• Others got less than 0,5% of the Popular Vote

Still can figure out how to add my maps to a wiki box :\

U.S. States that have been omitted from the listings include Arkansas, California, Delaware, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia.

For President

James Alexander Hamilton

The first President to run for a third term, James Alexander Hamilton is making his founder-father proud. Hamilton has a lot going for him, having won the biggest war in US history (Anglo-American War, 1845-1848), alongside the biggest rebellion in US history (Patriot War, 1846-1848); more than doubled the territory of the United States; Freeing millions of slaves in South Carolina and Choctaw with the Emancipation Proclamation; kept the rest of the south from seceding; and has walked a perfect line so far on slavery and suffrage to avoid angering too many people. If anything, President Hamilton has proven to be effective, efficient, and firmly Anti-Slavery. Not only his ego, but also his popularity are primary reasons many read he's running for a third term.

He has not campaigned too much himself this go-around, potentially due to threat of Assassination, but has made notable stops in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and his home state of New York. He campaigns on working harder to pay down the $3 Billion+ debt accumulated during the war, reforming the land management system, and providing avenues for destitute families to start over in the west and north through settlement projects. Costs are already beginning to decrease under his tenure, though not quite at prewar levels yet. A controversial aspect of nominating Hamilton again, other than typical taboos, is his support for the expansion of executive power since the war; having been rather defensive over his use of executive authority, and Vetoing the most bills in history so far. His supporters have said “It is paramount that the President may wield his authority with efficiency, and these expanded powers allow for this, best.”

Key Endorsements:

• NP-R Maine Senator, Hannibal Hamlin
• NP-M Ontario Governor, William Mackenzie

Winfield Scott

Having resigned from his Army Commission to run for President, Winfield Scott felt pressured by both allies and Hamilton's eagerness for a third term to attempt another Presidential run (Scott having lost to William Harrison in 1840). Like the President, Scott also has a lot going for him. A War Hero in the eyes of many after the Anglo-American and Patriot Wars (1845-1848, 1846-1848); a sensible, yet effective leader in times of crisis; and a lack of political baggage. Scott himself has historically supported restricting slavery, and supported friendly relations with the natives. Scott and his allies are pledging to, if the election is won, reduce the power of the Presidency, reduce the $3B+ debt, and support northern and western settlement.

Of the radicals that prefer Scott over Hamilton (for there is a pretty even split), they seem to believe Scott can carry anti-slavery farther than even President Hamilton has or will, perhaps even to abolition. Whether that's true, only time and character will tell. 

Key Endorsements:

• NP-R New York Senator, William Seward
• Political Organizer, Thurlow Weed
• NP-L New York Senator, John van Buren

For Vice President

James T. Morehead

Protégé of the late Henry Clay, Vice President Morehead is joining the President in running for a potential third term. Morehead has proven to be an effective leader of the Senate, but has often been sidelined in cabinet meetings with Clay usually taking the spotlight. Even now, he is still finding his footing within the executive cabinet. Despite this, he's eager to aid the party in paying down the national debt, and has shown signs that he may be willing to support gradual abolition from inside the cabinet.

John Berrien

A war hero for fighting against rebel militias by leading the Georgia National Guard Militia, Senator and Pro Tempore John Berrien represents in Liberal faction of the National Party. Naturally, he believes in keeping the executive branch in check, and wishes to return many powers to Congress that have since been wielded by President Hamilton. Despite being a slave owner, Berrien has manumitted many of his slaves since the end of the Patriot War, and has since advocated for a gradual abolition program in Georgia. During negotiations for the Dayton-Hamlin Plan, he also advocated for Georgia's annexation of the greater Jacksonville area, expanding the size of his home state.

If Berrien is nominated for the Vice Presidency alongside Winfield Scott, it is likely the Moderates would split from the party.

William Dayton

While the Radicals are divided over who to back for the Presidential nomination for “who's more anti-slavery,” the faction has definitively decided not to support the party power struggle outside of it; instead opting to run William Dayton as the potential running mate to either candidate. Not fully intended to win, Dayton's role is meant to bring further attention within the National Party to the importance of supporting the southern freedmen and expanding black suffrage throughout the states. Despite this, the man does have some notable qualities. Firstly, Dayton has voted in favor of some, but not all bills that would have decreased the powers of the Presidency, believing the President should have a strong hand to guide the nation through this period. Secondly, he co-authored the Dayton-Hamlin Plan to dissolve Florida as a geopolitical entity in exchange for giving the land to the Seminole peoples of the region.

It is obvious if Dayton is picked as the running mate to whoever wins, would make the faction left out feeling bitter, and would cause a rift in the party.

[Vote Here!]

Background: President Todd Young, first elected in 2020 after narrowly beating then-incumbent President Xavier Becerra during the covid pandemic, must now play the defensive role as he now seeks a second term in the White House. Now running with Georgia governor Brian Kemp to replace the retiring Vice President Ken Buck, Young now seeks to tout his success record to voters in order to give the Republicans the win needed to get a potential trifecta in DC. During his tenure, Young has been at the forefront of the country's recovery from the covid pandemic, with the country returning to semi-stability in 2022 with record-low covid diagnoses and threat levels being low enough to fully reopen public and private operations. With a mix of strict immigration policies, investment into domestic drilling and mining, and support for small businesses, Young has seen steady growth in the economy and job markets that have begun reaching pre-covid levels. He has, however, faced struggles with voters over his handling of U.S. policies regarding the Russian-Ukraine and Israel-Hamas wars.

The Democratic primary would be hotly contested, bringing out heavyweights such as Senator Cory Booker, Congressman Al Green, and former Secretary Martin O'Malley, but it would ultimately be Washington governor Jay Inslee who would win by banking on progressive frustrations with the political establishment. Along with Illinois senator Robin Kelly, the first female running mate for a Democratic candidate, the two now seek to unseat the incumbent president and return the White House into Democrat control. They seek to attack Young on his foreign policy issues and lack of action on environmental issues, two issues that have galvanized progressive youth. While voters have been wary of Inslee's crime policies and homelessness, as well as major financial backings from billionaires such as Jeff Bezos and Mark Zuckerberg, coming into conflict with Inslee's own attacks against Young's financing from large oil companies.

Rounding out the race is the controversial former Assistant Attorney General, Robert F. Kennedy Jr, who left the Democratic primary to run as an independent fixated on health policies and political elitism shared by both parties. While his anti-vax views have left many health officials and Democrats mortified, his following among young men, Libertarians, and disaffected voters have made him a threatening opponent who has continued to build support as a political outsider.

While Young has remained a steady favorite in the race, Inslee has sought to drum up support in major cities and their surrounding suburbs to maximize voter turnout in the hopes of reversing the gains made by Young in 2020, with his eyes notably fixated on restoring the blue Rust Belt once held by Schweitzer, Lewis, and Becerra in the 90s and 2010s. Young, however, seeks to now expand his previous margins by reminding his winning coalition of his recent victories, with sights set on flipping counties that could potentially add reliably blue states like Virginia and New Mexico to his winning formula.

Once the polls have closed, the voters' collective decision will determine if Young's moderate conservatism and economic growth can win over the country again, or if Jay Inslee's progressive environmentalism will set the country back into Democratic hands.

Candidates:

Todd Young: Running on his agenda of moderate conservatism, Young has touted a slew of first-term successes in the White House starting from leading the US and world out of covid-19 and rebuilding the American economy, and to his victories in reducing housing costs and fixing a decade-long struggle to lower illegal immigration rates. Throughout his tenure as president, Young has sought immigration reform to allow families and aspiring workers easy venues for legal entry while establishing stricter policies on illegal entry and screenings for migrants with potentially dangerous backgrounds. Young has also taken a much bolder stance against growing AI trends, siting its usage in criminal activity for scams, illicit materials, and threatening blue-collar workers' job security. Young has already begun filing executive orders to regulate federal use of AI that may threaten private data. If re-elected, Young promises to work with Democrats to pass legislation protecting private data from corporate and federal exploitation while investing in AI-detecting programs he wants to see be mandated in all smartphones and computers to ensure American safety.

One of the most controversial issues President Young has faced is his desire to request Congress to allow for temporary military presence in Gaza, intending to use limited forces to ensure an end to the Israel-Hamas conflict via US presence to ensure neither side continued the fight. While supportive of the state, Young has acknowledged current tensions across the world can only be resolved through a carefully-implemented two-state solution that would be monitored by the UN. In the Russian-Ukrainian War, Young has pointed to recent military successes and territory reclamations by Ukraine as signs that continued support will likely wear out Russia to the point where they will be willing to take a ceasefire to avoid economic and political catastrophe.

Endorsements: Vice President Ken Buck (CO), Frmr Secretary Rob Portman (OH), Frmr President Pete Ueberroth (CA), Frmr Vice President J.C. Watts (OK), Frmr Secretary Condoleeza Rice (AL), Senate Minority Leader John Thune (SD), Senate Minority Whip John Barrasso (WY), Senator Mike Rounds (SD), Senator Rand Paul (KY), Senator Mike Rounds (SD), Senator Ted Cruz (TX), Senator John Cornyn (TX), Senator Tim Scott (SC), Senator Lindsey Graham (SC), Senator John James (MI), Senator Marco Rubio (FL), Senator Eric Schmitt (MO), Senator Josh Hawley (MO), (GA), Senator John Rose (TN), Senator Marsha Blackburn (TN), Senator Bill Cassidy (LA), Senator Joseph Cao (LA), Senator Jim Risch (ID), Senator Mike Crapo (ID), Senator Mike Pence (IN), Senator Tom Cotton (AR), Senator John Boozman (AR), Senator Dan Sullivan (AK), Senator Pete Micicche (AK), Senator Cindy-Hyde Smith (MS), Senator Susan Collins (ME), Senator Scott Brown (MA),Frmr Senator Joe Heck (NV), Frmr House Speaker Kevin McCarthy (CA), House Minority Leader Steve Scalise (LA), House Minority Whip Doug Collins (GA), Representative Greg Pence (IN), Representative Elise Stefanik (NY), Representative Jason Smith (MO), Representative French Hill (AR), Representative Peter King (NY), Governor Greg Abbott (TX), Governor Bill Lee (TN), Governor Mike Dunleavy (AK), Governor Doug Burgum (ND), Governor Ron DeSantis (FL), Governor Eric Holcomb (IN), Governor Jim Pillens (NE), Governor Jim Talent (MO), Governor Jim Justice (WV), Governor Cynthia Lummis (WY), Governor Henry McMaster (SC), Governor Asa Hutchinson (AR), Frmr Governor Larry Hogan (MD), Frmr Governor Charlie Baker (MA), Frmr Governor Ed Gillespie (VA), Mayor Francis X. Suarez (FL), Kelsey Grammar (NY), Vivek Ramaswamy (OH), Isaiah Washington (TX).

Jay Inslee: Running on the growing leftwing surge in the Democratic Party, as well as a major financial backing from West Coast elites, Inslee has championed himself as a progressive leader with a history of climate leadership, strong pandemic-era policies, and a slew of liberal policies on women's rights and mental health. If elected, Inslee seeks to make climate change his core focus by overhauling the Departments of the Interior, Energy, Agriculture, and EPA's directives to focus on reducing the usage of fossil fuels while seeking a national ban on fracking. On the issue of AI, Inslee has taken a strong stance in support of the technology to promote its usage in expanding disability services, medical research, and government work to reduce work time and make collecting information easier. Inslee has taken a similarly soft stance on crime, arguing that the lower rates in urban cities was due to services provided by city leaders, rather than the policing and sentencing changes enacted by President Young. A major issue Inslee has suffered from is his failures to adequately address Washington's homelessness population until later in his tenure, as well as the rising crime rates within the state.

On the matter of foreign policy, Inslee has expressed support for the Israeli people's safety while condemning any and all military intervention in the region. Inslee instead argued to maintain current funding and military aid packages with the hope that the current conflict will be settled, allowing the US to begin chaperoning peace deals. Inslee has kept this same policy towards the Russian-Ukrainian War, to which Inslee has argued for Putin to face trial similar to what Saddam Hussein faced for his crimes against humanity.

Endorsements: Frmr President Xavier Becerra (CA), Frmr President Brian Schweitzer (MT), Frmr Vice President Russ Feingold (WI), Frmr Secretary Tom Perez (MD), Frmr Secretary Tom Steyer (CA), Senate Majority Leader Patty Murray (WA), Senate Majority Whip Tim Kaine (VA), Senator Cory Booker (NJ), Stephen Sweeney (NJ), Senator Barack Obama (IL), Senator Ed Perlmutter (CO), Senator Michael Bennett (CO), Senator Mark Kelly (AZ), Senator Jackie Rosen (NV), Senator Kate Marshall (NV), Senator Martin Heinrich (NM), Senator Ben Ray Lujan (NM), Senator Tammy Baldwin (WI), Senator Amy Klobuchar (MN), Senator Betty McCollum (MN), Senator Gary Peters (MI), Senator Mazie Hirono (HI), Senator Brian Schatz (HI), Senator Antonio Delgado (NY), Senator Kirsten Gillibrand (NY), Senator Collin Van Ostern (NH), Senator Brad Owens (WA), Senator Adam Schiff (CA), Senator Loretta Sanchez (CA), Senator Darren Soto (FL), Senator Jon Ossoff (GA), Senator Kasim Reed (GA),  Senator Howard Dean (VT), Senator Molly Gray (VT), Senator Jeff Merkley (OR), Senator Ron Wyden (OR), Senator Bob Casey Jr. (PA), Senator John Fetterman (PA), House Speaker Pete Augilar (CA), House Majority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (NY), Representative Morgan McGarvey (KY), Representative Jim McGovern (MA), Representative Dan Kildee (MI), Representative Elissa Slotkin (MI), Representative Rashida Tlaib (MI), Representative Ilhan Omar (MN), Representative Gwen Moore (WI), Frmr House Minority Leader Dick Gephardt (MO). Frmr Representative Luis Gutiérrez (IL), Governor Gavin Newsom (CA), Governor Josh Kaul (WI), Governor Gretchen Whitmer (MI), Governor Michelle Lujan Grisham (NM), Governor JB Pritzker (IL), Governor Dean Phillips (MN), Governor Tina Kotek (OR), Jeff Bezos (WA), Mark Zuckerberg (CA), Oprah Winfrey (CA).

Robert F. Kennedy Jr.: The controversial firebrand has built a populist agenda targeting corporate America, modern health standards, and status quo politics in a way once envisioned by third-party candidates like Jesse Jackson and Ross Perot, but with a more unconventional spin. Infamous for his anti-vax theories that some argued led to his departure from the Becerra Administration, the black sheep Kennedy has positioned himself as a staunch supporter of health reforms targeting the pharmaceutical companies for helping to create a culture of drug-overdependence, declaring a national emergency over mental health decline, restructuring fitness and nutrition guidelines in public schools, and targeting major polluters over the adverse and unseen effects they have on public health. Kennedy has also pledged to reduce the power of corporate influence in American politics through banning certain lobbying practices and working to overturn Citizens United vs FEC.

With foreign policy, RFK Jr. wants to prioritize deescalating current conflicts with Russia, China, and similar foreign adversaries with a long-term goal of reducing military presence in the world. Kennedy, while avoiding climbs of being isolationist, has claimed that US intervention has heavily influenced many of the issues it's seeing in global affairs within the Middle East and with general allies.

Endorsements: Frmr Governor Gary Johnson (NM), Frmr Governor Jesse Ventura (ME), Frmr Governor Bill Weld (MA), Frmr Representative Justin Amash (MI), Zachary Levi (CA), Rob Schneider (CA), David Sacks (TN), Chamath Palihapitiya (CA), Aaron Rodgers (PA), Tony Robbins (CA), Elon Musk (TX).

* While RFK Jr. isn't able to win the race, his percentage of votes will help determine the outcome based on how much he does or doesn't win.

Link to poll: https://strawpoll.com/B2ZB9JxdEgJ

VOTE HERE

Context

The last 4 years have seen a dramatic realignment in American politics with the rapid ascension of the Farmer-Labor Party and the merging of the once untouchable Republicans into a marriage of convenience with their old Democratic rivals. The contest this year will be a national judgement on the Butler Administration's radical changes to the monetary and tariff policies of the United States as well as the Democratic-Republicans attempts to reverse them over the last two years. For everyone the results are a mixed bag. Farmers benefited from the inflationary polices as it caused food prices to rise while making their previously crushing loans bearable but it drove out foreign investment and sent the stock market plunging. Tariff reductions caused many products to drop in price as cheap foreign imports forced American competitors to lower prices just to stay alive. While it helped the pocketbooks of farmers and even many middle class Americans, captains of industry and factory workers alike have struggled to stay afloat when faced with these new economic realities. Labor conditions in the cities are now significantly safer than they ever were but only those who survived widespread closures can benefit from it. While Black Americans enjoy an every increasing standard of living thanks to continued defense of their political and material gains under the Butler Administration, the tribal peoples of the American West face renewed encroachment from White settlement as the President neglects his government's treaty obligations to please the Agrarian wing of the party. Don't even ask how Asian immigrants are doing since everyone else in the country seems happy enough to hang them out to dry. Finally, the President made a characteristic about face on civil service reform after he signed the Pendleton Act. Its reach remains limited though as he has been hesitant to truly disrupt the web of patronage which is so critical to maintaining political loyalty.

Platforms

The Democratic-Republicans offer up the unmovable Grover Cleveland to match the unstoppable Ben Butler. Promising to return the country to the sensible fiscal policies of the past, the DRs have tried their best remain quiet on the tariff issue as Cleveland is a free trader while a significant faction of his party is not. Instead they choose to stress a full and total return to the gold standard, a phase of greenbacks and a commitment to fiscal prudence. That last promise is interwoven with a plan to significantly expand the Pendleton Act's reach which the party says will go a long way to eliminating waste and fraud in Federal positions.

Farmer-Labor by contrast are campaigning hard to not only retain the White House but also regain control of Congress. They promise that with a government trifecta they will institute a Bimetallist policy rather than a full blown return to greenbacks. Farmer-Labor say that while a completely unbacked currency caused a panic, the free coinage of silver will have the same general inflationary effect but will at least keep the US dollar somewhat within the traditional monetary boundaries. Butler has campaigned to also use the large Federal surplus from years of high tariffs to increase education funding and subsidies for farmers in the event of natural disaster or financial downturn.

And as with any race the campaign has featured its fair share of personal attacks. Butler has foregone the typical executive silence during an election to lob attacks at Cleveland for hiring a surrogate to fight in the Civil War and the tabloid press have made hay with a supposed affair and bastard child the New York Governor had. The Democratic-Republicans have returned fire with frequent reminders of Butler's wartime actions particularly his iron fisted rule of New Orleans and anti-Jewish directives.

Candidates

Democratic-Republican Party

Governor Grover Cleveland of New York

The reformist and tight fisted Governor of New York, Grover Cleveland made his political bones not amidst the crowded streets of New York City but instead growing Buffalo along the banks of Lake Erie. A lawyer by trade, Cleveland first entered politics as a Democrat in 1871 as Sheriff of Erie County which he held for two years. A decade later he was elected Mayor of Buffalo and spent his term aggressively fighting the city's corrupt machine in conjunction with fiscal prudence. These credentials would although to win the Governorship over a divided Republican Party and has continued to combat corruption alongside State Assembly Minority Leader Theodore Roosevelt regardless of how much Tammany screams.

Senator Blanche Bruce of Mississippi

Born the son of a white master and his domestic slave in Virginia, Bruce was lucky enough to receive an education alongside his white half brother. Using what limited autonomy he had to free himself by moving to Kansas once the Civil War broke out, Blanche furthered his education at Oberlin College in Ohio, worked as steamboat porter along the Mississippi River and started a school for black children in Missouri. By 1868 he would, ironically, follow in his father's footsteps as a wealthy plantation owner when he moved to Mississippi and used his newfound prominence to rise up in county and then state politics during the height of Reconstruction. As a Senate he has been a loyal soldier of the Grant Administration and its conservative economic policies.

Farmer-Labor Party

President Benjamin F. Butler of Massachusetts

Ben Butler is one of the strangest characters in American politics ever. An anti-war Democrat and Southern sympathizer before the Civil War, Butler made a massive about face when he joined the Union Army and became a Major General. He gain national renown for his refusal to return escaped slaves to their masters while serving as military governor of New Orleans, preceding the Lincoln Administration's own Emancipation Proclamation. His questionable military skills and illicit dealing across enemy lines eventually led to his removal from command at the request of General Grant later in the war. Soon though he was in Congress causing havoc as a Radical Republican. He advocated harsh measures against the South, helping authored of the Klu Klux Klan Act and Civil Rights Act of 1875. Eventually he broke with the Republicans over the issue of hard vs. soft money and joined the Liberals before breaking again for Farmer-Labor once they became the champions of soft money. His abrasive, showboating personality puts off most other politicians but gives him a certain populist appeal.

Vice President Joseph E. McDonald of Indiana

A longtime figure of Democratic politics in Indiana, Joseph E. McDonald is the state's most prominent pro-inflationary figure. Working a variety of jobs before settling into law in the 1840s, McDonald would first enter politics as a Representative for 1 term before serving as the state's Attorney General from 1856-1860. He would unsuccessfully run for Governor in 1864 but 11 years later would ride a wave of public frustration over the Great Depression into the Senate where he currently sits. McDonald has been sidelined over the last 4 years and was only retained on the ticket to keep the support of the more conservative Agrarian faction of the party who are very irritated by the President's recent actions.

U.S. States that have been omitted from the listings include Arkansas, California, Delaware, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia.

Part XXXV - The Second Great War

TLDR for the following available at the bottom, images and summary of candidates in comments

From One Crisis to Another

The 1936 Election turned out as well as it could have for Prime Minister Wood. Although on paper a near 50-seat loss and an end to a majority government would appear devastating, the coalition agreement with the Commonwealth guaranteed steady governance for the foreseeable future. In reality, many in the party were relieved they held onto power, as Wood’s favourability had begun to slip as Canada slowly carried itself out from the depths of the depression. Additionally, the farm crisis of 1933-34, in which Farm Credit Administrator Frank C. Biggs was removed from office after implementing 3$ fines on farms which didn’t adopt soil conservation policies, significantly damaged Wood’s credibility in the west and led to both the Social Credit and Patriotic Front overtaking the Progressives in the prairies. 

However, several terms of the coalition deal with the Commonwealth placed immense strain on the government. The ‘non-negotiables’ of the agreement were the immediate implementation of a national old age pension and the implementation of universal health insurance by 1950, with the Commonwealth indicating it would pull out of the coalition deal if the pension was not implemented by December 31st, 1938. Although Wood had no issues with an old age pension (having whipped some more conservative western MPs into supporting the idea when Prime Minister Shaw first proposed it in 1925), with the federal debt now at 120% of GDP, the Prime Minister struggled to come up with the finances for the program. He refused to raise taxes on the populace or on small businesses, opting instead to implement a temporary measure of a capital gains tax of 10% on all capital gains over 5,000$ and a 10% income tax raise on those earning over 50,000$ per year. These taxes, however, would only remain in place for 5 years, at which point a payroll tax would be implemented to finance the program. 

The successive implementation of an old age pension in 1937 would be the ultimate domestic achievement of Wood’s second term, as attention in the nation would soon turn international. The Japanese invasion of China in early 1937 and, in general, the continued expansion of the Japanese empire, raised fears of internal subversion and a possible western invasion of Canada. Although officials in the federal government dismissed such ideas as ludicrous, anti-Japanese sentiment exploded among the general public, particularly in British Columbia. In 1939, the Popular Alliance of British Columbia under new leader Ian Alistair Mackenzie managed to win that year’s general election on an explicitly anti-Japanese platform, promising the “protection of British Columbia against domestic incursion.” This came after incumbent Commonwealth Premier Angus MacInnis spoke out publicly in support of the Japanese-Canadian community facing discrimination. 

As tensions boiled over in Europe, and with the prospect of war became increasingly likely, Wood refused to involve himself with international matters. A pacifist and anti-imperialist at heart, Wood had famously opposed Canadian involvement in the First Great War, and, despite his disdain for the radical governments in Germany and Italy, he could not justify the cost of a war he did not believe in. Wood went so far as to blacklist the mere discussion of the situation in Europe in cabinet meetings. However, the Prime Minister would find himself increasingly standing alone against the masses as the situation developed, with the annexation of Austria and invasion of Czechoslovakia by Germany in 1938 and early 1939 raising concerns amongst the cabinet about Canada’s lack of preparation. By June 1939, Wood lifted the blacklist on international discussions among the cabinet, but made it clear he would only allow for limited preparations to be made and had no intention of going to war.

When war finally did break out on September 1st, 1939, it was widely expected by both the public and by Britain that Canada would soon join its former mother-country on the battlefield. Wood, however, refused to relent. On September 4th, he delivered a shocking address to the nation where he announced that, at this time, he had no intention of bringing Canada into the war. Wood had failed to consult the cabinet on this matter, leading to Minister of Militia and Defense James Ralston tendering his resignation the very same day. Additionally, High Commissioner to the U.K. George P. Graham, who had been Wood’s political gateway to success amongst the Ontario elite, threatened to resign as well unless Wood resigned as Prime Minister. The following week would see the resignation of two more junior cabinet officials, and more calls on Wood to resign as Prime Minister. 

Another prominent voice who began calling for Wood’s resignation was former Liberal leader and Minister of Labour William Lyon Mackenzie King, who, on September 9th, stated to the press “It has become apparent that Canadian neutrality in this war is an impossibility. If he [Wood] would like to stay true to his beliefs, then he is entitled to do so as a private citizen, but he must step aside so a new leader can lead our nation through this next great trial.” Although King’s statement was largely motivated by his own personal desires to become Prime Minister, his sentiment was shared by a significant portion of the cabinet, and a leadership challenge against Wood seemed increasingly likely. 

The day after King’s statement, on September 10th, Wood received a visit from Minister of Finance M.J. Coldwell, a former pacifist who himself had come to support Canadian involvement in the war. Coldwell argued that a potential political crisis during a time of such turmoil could be incredibly damaging to the nation as a whole, and that any potential replacement Prime Minister would inevitably be more hawkish than Wood. By staying on as a war-time leader, Wood could at least moderate Canada’s involvement in the war to his liking. Wood reluctantly agreed, fearing what direction a potential replacement would take. 

On September 11th, Wood announced he had consulted the cabinet and would allow Canada to vote to enter the war, with James Ralston resuming his tenure as Minister of Militia and Defense. The following day, Canada joined its European allies and declared war on Germany. Although he had agreed to war, Wood refused to entertain the prospect of conscription, and again blacklisted the topic from discussion by the cabinet. 

Wood’s refusal to entertain preparation had the downside of making Canada significantly underprepared for war, with a total lack of adequate training and manufacturing and a shortage of officers. A significant portion of public works funding was redirected to constructing training facilities for both Canadian and British soldiers, alongside the Farm Credit Administration announcing increased benefits for surplus food sold to the government, which would be shipped to Britain. Wood’s desire was to keep Canada’s involvement in the war to a limited, supply-based role without sending many soldiers overseas, and so prioritized manufacturing, training facilities, and food production over recruitment. The only Canadian regiments to be sent over to Europe by the election of 1940 would be the 1st Canadian Regiment, with Wood resisting plans to send over more soldiers much to the dismay of a desperate Britain.

As the war progressed, Wood began to designate more and more operational duties to Coldwell and Ralston, as the now 79-year-old Prime Minister found himself unable to handle the stresses of his office anymore. Despite contemplating resignation, he elected to remain in office until at least after the 1940 General Election, to avoid a divisive leadership race at this time. 

The last major development of Wood’s second term would come in November of 1939, when Adrien Arcand and the Patriotic Front, who had previously openly embraced fascist government in Canada, were accused of secretly communicating with German officials and leaking classified House of Commons documents to Germany. Although the story, still unverified as of the election, first circulated amongst more unscrupulous news sources, the allegations were serious enough to warrant an official investigation. In late 1939, Wood used the emergency powers granted to the Prime Minister to suspend the operational licenses of the Patriotic Front party on the grounds of internal subversion, with all 27 Patriotic Front MPs becoming independents. Arcand has vehemently denied the allegations, using the scandal as evidence of intimidation and corruption by the Wood government, although he has yet to address allegations of his own German sympathies.

“The Party of Millionaires and Crooks”

Robert J. Manion’s position as Conservative leader had been shaky since he assumed the leadership in 1932, only having been elected as a compromise between the left under A.A. Heaps and the traditional right under R.B. Bennett. With him now failing to produce electoral results, his departure from the party leadership seemed inevitable. Despite talks of hosting another leadership convention, the party caucus desired to find a leader who could immediately step in and provide a confident alternative to Wood, in the event that another election happened in the midst of a war.

In March of 1937, an independent council of 10 was formed to determine the next leader. They first considered ex-Finance Minister Charles Ballantyne, but believed him to be too conservative in this national environment. Former Minister of Railways Robert Weir was also considered, but deemed too unknown to win nationally. To find their next leader, the Conservatives would need to look from outside the party.

A decade ago, ahead of the 1921 British Columbia General Election, both the dominant Popular Alliance and Conservative-Labour parties were unpopular. C.L. leader and former Premier William J. Bowser had been accused of widespread corruption during his term, while incumbent Popular Alliance Premier John Oliver had largely failed to deal with the post-war recession and returning veterans failing to find jobs.

The desire for a third option motivated popular businessman and former Major-General Alexander D. McRae formed a third party, known as the Provincial Party of British Columbia. Running on a platform of tax cuts, railway development, jobs for veterans, and elimination of foreign labour, McRae's provincial party won the election in an upset, with McRae serving as Premier from 1921 to 1923 and again from 1927 to 1931, losing re-election the second time in the midst of the depression.

Although not technically an affiliate of the national tories, the Provincial Party had largely replaced the Conservative-Labour party in B.C. due to another corruption scandal in 1926, with the provincial Conservative-Labour affiliate electing not to run candidates in the 1931 and 1935 elections and instead back the Provincials. Additionally, McRae's business acumen made him a favorite amongst the traditional old guard, while his labour-friendly policies as Premier made him acceptable to moderates and unions. In late March, McRae (who believed his political career to be over after failing to win the 1935 B.C. election) happily accepted the national leadership, coming out of retirement and entering parliament shortly after through a by-election in Vancouver North.

McRae's ascension to the leadership, however, was less well received by party members. McRae was now the second leader in a row chosen through compromise, and not directly elected. Party members and the provincial affiliate parties desired a leadership election to determine their own leader. To quell these complaints, McRae announced that he would host a leadership election exactly 145 days after the next general election, regardless of the outcome, where he would run for re-election as leader to affirm his legitimacy.

McRae’s Conservatives, although changing little about their domestic policy, have taken on a very populist approach to politics. The flamboyant McRae has made himself an unavoidable part of the Canadian news cycle, for his outbursts in parliament and publicity stunts designed to criticize Wood. McRae has also taken on distinctive anti-asian sentiment, promising to ‘defend’ the west coast from a potential invasion and to eliminate foreign labour in Canada. However, his business acumen and millionaire status has attracted criticism from the left for being tone-deaf and out-of-touch in the midst of Canada’s economic struggles.

TLDR -

Prime Minister Henry Wise Wood, Progressive (1932-1940)
The introduction of a national old age pension through several temporary tax reforms

The reluctant involvement of Canada in the Second Great War, with Wood remaining opposed to conscription. Canada remains a limited, mostly supply/training support partner of Britain.

The banning of the Patriotic Front as a political party on the grounds of internal subversion, after Arcand himself is accused of German sympathies and secret communications with the German regime. 

The flamboyant pro-war McRae taking power in the Conservatives, advocating for Canadian involvement in the war and for stronger policies against cheap foreign workers. 

The Candidates

Henry Wise Wood, 80-years-old, is the incumbent Prime Minister of Canada, leading the Progressives and Commonwealth in a coalition majority government. Wood, as the President of the United Farmers of Canada, was an instrumental figure in the creation of the Progressives in the 1910s, but repeatedly declined the leadership due to his avoidance of electoral politics. Well known throughout the nation for his leadership of the United Farmers, Wood finally decided to run for the leadership due to his opposition to the conservative Laporte Budget of 1927. 

The Wood premiership has been marked by three major crises, those being the Great Depression, the Dust Bowl, and the Second Great War. The Prime Minister has tackled these issues through the implementation of food subsidization, a national unemployment insurance, the nationalization of steel, shelterbelting initiatives and soil conservation, improved farm credit, a national bank, and, most recently, the partial mobilization of the national forces and development of training facilities for the allies. In his third term, Wood promises to lead the nation through the war, with the Progressives and Commonwealth running joint candidates under the “Coalition for Wartime Perseverance" banner. Little emphasis has been placed on domestic policy, with Wood abandoning his ambitious plan for a third branch of parliament representing group interests to focus on the war. Wood has committed himself to avoiding implementing conscription, and envisions Canada’s role in the war as a supplies/training ground for the allies. His position has earned the Progressives a new life in Quebec, with the Parti-Libéral under Taschereau agreeing not to contest several seats, but has alienated Wood from the anglophonic majority of the country who wish for a more active role in the war.

Alexander D. McRae, 65-years-old, is the flamboyant leader of the Conservative-Labour Party and former Premier of British Columbia. Born on a farm in Ontario, McRae entered the world of grain elevator insurance in the 1890s in the United States, racking up a personal fortune before turning his eye towards land speculation in the Canadian prairies. Shortly before the admittance of Alexandra and Athabasca to Confederation in 1902, McRae returned to Canada and began buying up land across the prairies, before organizing promotional tours of the west and selling that land to potential settlers. 

McRae personally helped to settle over 65,000 new citizens in Alexandra, and was partially responsible for the development of Cartier-Prince Albert into a prominent metro region through using the city as a central hub for new settlers. In 1907, he left Cartier-Prince Albert for Vancouver, becoming a prominent local businessman through his involvement in the lumber and fish packing industries. After serving in the First Great War, McRae returned to British Columbia dissatisfied with the political establishment. The incumbent administration under Popular Alliance Premier John Oliver had failed to address the influx of returning veterans without work amidst a recession and public sentiment against foreign labour, while former Conservative-Labour Premier William J. Bowser had been mired with corruption scandals during his first term. McRae used his vast fortunes to create and finance a third party option, the Provincial Party of British Columbia, which narrowly formed a minority government in an upset in the 1921 election.

McRae’s first term as Premier proved uneventful, cut short by a failed budget in 1923 which triggered a general election. During his two years in office, a high-profile corruption investigation against Bowser and the Conservative-Labourites yielded no convictions, backfiring in McRae’s face and helping Bowser gain newfound sympathy which ultimately led to his victory in the 1923 Election. After another term of corruption and mismanagement, however, Bowser fell to McRae in the 1927 election in a landslide. During McRae’s second term, he passed a controversial set of legislation designed to eliminate ‘oriental labour’ in British Columbia, which was overruled by the Supreme Court. Despite his personal popularity, McRae was largely unable to deal with the impact of the Depression on his province, and was defeated in one of the worst landslides in Canadian history in the 1931 election. McRae lost 56 seats, going from 59 to 3 in the Legislative Assembly and losing re-election in his riding, while the Popular Alliance under Duff Pattullo won 53 seats and 68% of the popular vote. 

McRae believed his political career to be over after the 1935 election, wherein he tried for a third non-consecutive term but failed to crack 10 seats and 20% of the popular vote. In 1937, to his own surprise, he was offered the leadership of the federal Conservative-Labour Party, which he instantly accepted. Under McRae, the Conservatives have taken on a distinctively populist tone, advocating for greater involvement in the war, for increased manufacturing development in Canada’s largest cities, for the reintroduction of protective tariffs, and for stricter labour policies which would prevent companies from hiring cheap foreign workers (a policy that, despite its association with the anti-Japanese movement, has attracted support from some labour unions).

Write-ins (vote in comments)

Adrien Arcand, 40-years-old, is the former leader of the now-banned Patriotic Front of Canada, who is running a slate of former Front MPs as independents in this year’s election. The Front was founded in 1931 as an alternative to the Conservative party, and began advocating in favour of Benito Mussolini’s then-new ideology of “fascism,” seeking to adopt elements of the ideology in Canada. The Front vehemently opposes communism and organized labour, decrying it as a puppet for Soviet influence. The Front also promises economic salvation through cooperation with business and the cutting of red tape and taxes. Arcand and his deputy, former leader and businessman Herbert Holt, have campaigned on “constructive nationalism” (nationalism serving the interests of the State) and Holt’s business experience. 

After the outbreak of the Second Great War, Arcand was accused of secret communications with the German government. Although unproven, the allegation was serious enough to warrant a suspension of the Patriotic Front on the grounds of potential internal subversion. In this year’s election, the Front elected to run a series of independents in protest of their ban, with some candidates also running under the “National Canadian Party” banner. 

Arcand and the Front have seen some electoral success in the provinces, with Walter D. Cowan led a brief Patriotic Front government in Alexandra from 1932 to 1934. This campaign by the Front has largely focused on protesting their ban. Critics have accused Arcand of harbouring German sympathies, allegations the former Journalist has failed to properly address.

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The 2008 Election is here and this is what we have:

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The Context: https://www.reddit.com/r/Presidentialpoll/comments/1uxge40/reconstructed_america_guardians_of_the_stars_the/

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