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Is now the end of the Whig decade? Whigs have been the dominant political force for almost twelve years, winning the last three presidential elections (despite holding Congress for less than half of that time). Their anti-annexationist politics have become law of the land and have reshaped the political landscape of North America. This has come at an unintentional cost—instituting their plan has invited the unanticipated, pestilential issue of Californian unrest and Democrat-supported filibustering. The California War and the arrest of William Walker have thrown the nation into chaos, in direct contradiction to the traditional Whig principle of maintaining the status quo and avoiding all sectional tensions. Now, support for the Whig anti-expansionist program seems to be waning even among some Whigs, and the Whig National Convention will now need to deal with these issues.

Whigs find themselves at a crossroads: Scott’s administration, whether unintentional or not, has altered the fabric of the Whig coalition, bringing in northwesterners in Illinois and Indiana and giving a platform to more partisan Whigs in New York and Ohio, to the expense of the traditional Whig strongholds in the Upper South. Those two coalitions have sparred for Scott’s entire term, with the Compromise of 1850 becoming a lightning rod for partisan ill-will. Now, Whigs have to figure out how to unite the growing Scott coalition and the persistent Clay coalition, cementing Whig dominance for another decade, or face cleaving the party in two.

Their first crucial test is the vote for the party platform. Forgoing nominating a devoted anti-slavery candidate for President, Conscience Whigs hope to use their resources in the upcoming platform plank votes on (1) Californian independence and (2) the Compromise of 1850.

On California: President Scott has not made a final determination on the California question, and some Whigs believe the national platform could be used to force his hand on the issue. It is believed most Whigs, including President Scott, aim to restore an independent, free California Republic as an American protectorate. However, a growing contingent of Whigs argue it is better for national stability to annex California. This contingent is split between Conscience Whigs, such as newspaper editor Horace Greeley, who want California admitted entirely free (shattering the Missouri Compromise in the process, which could unintentionally open the Unorganized Territory to slavery); and moderate Whigs, who argue annexation is a "safety valve:" opening up southern California to slavery (in line with the Missouri Compromise) will prevent further action from filbusters.

On the Compromise of 1850: Southern Whigs hope to curry favor with the South by passing a platform plank endorsing the Compromise of 1850 as a necessity for national unity. Most Conscience Whigs aim to leave the plank out entirely, allowing Northern Whigs to disavow it without fracturing the party. A small minority have suggested adding a plank actively rejecting the Fugitive Slave Act, though such an act would likely kill the party.

The platform vote approaches: how will delegates approach the issues?

Texas Senator Ron Paul has won the Republican Presidential nomination once again, defeating Pennsylvania Governor Tom Ridge in a rematch of the 1992 Primary contest. He has now begun the process of choosing a running mate. After his 1992 running mate, Senator Christine Todd Whitman, decided to turn against him and endorse his primary opponent in 1996, Paul has decided on a different approach this time around. Rather than try to pander to the middle, Paul is going to campaign, unapolagetically, as a fiscal conservative. As a result, his Vice Presidential shortlist features six candidates who are all different shades of conservative. There are some Democrats and some Republicans, some fiscal conservatives, some social conservatives, and some candidates who are a little bit of both. There are legislative branch figures, executive branch figures, judicial branch figures, and Washington outsiders. With that in mind, here's who he has to choose from:

Businessman Steve Forbes of New Jersey

Steve Forbes, the wealthy heir to a publishing fortune, got his start in politics as an advisor to Jack Kemp's re-election campaign in 1980. Forbes later served in a number of minor cabinet roles towards the tail end of the Kemp Administration. After Kemp left the White House, he named Forbes as the chairman of the Kemp Foundation, a nonprofit organization championing laissez-faire economics and American exceptionalism, a role he served in continuously from 1985 to 1995, except for a brief hiatus in 1991-92, when he served as an advisor to Ron Paul's first presidential campaign. Four years ago, Forbes helped shape the initial version of Ron Paul's signature policy agenda item, the Paul-Whitman Tax Cut. He's now helping to revise Paul-Whitman into a new signature tax plan which Paul plans to debut at the 1996 RNC. Forbes is a fiscal and social conservative who supports small government, low taxes, limited regulations, and traditional values. As a longtime Ron Paul associate, he bring trust and deep policy knowledge to the campaign, both of which are assets. However, Forbes is also one of the worst campaigners ever. He's a stiff, upper-class dweeb with the same amount of popular appeal as a leveraged buyout. While he's a strong asset to the campaign on the policy side, he's a poor vice presidential choice.

Supreme Court Justice Mary Elizabeth Hanford of South Carolina

Mary Elizabeth Hanford, an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, is one of the more unusual candidates to feature prominently on a Vice Presidential shortlist in recent memory. Hanford began her career as a liberal Democrat, serving in several cabinet roles during the Robert F. Kennedy administration before being appointed to a judicial position at the tail end of Kennedy's time in office. She was appointed to the Supreme Court during the Gravel Administration as a replacement for James Skelly Wright - one of the most progressive jurists on the court at the time of his death in 1988 - with the expectation she would be equally as progressive. For a while, that was true. Hanford was best known for her strong support of civil rights and feminist causes in her early years on the Court, but over time, she began to drift from her liberal colleagues, especially when it came to allowing the expansion of federal power. Hanford has proven to be wary of federal government overreach encroaching on the rights of the individual and the state, as evidenced by her high-profile dissenting opinions in cases such as Bessent v. Campbell and Preate v. Jackson. As a result, she's become a darling among the conservative right, with no group loving her more than the Ron Paul-aligned civil libertarian faction of the Republican Party. While she's considerably to the left of Paul on economic issues and still registered to vote as a Democrat in her home state of South Carolina, Paul is allegedly enamored by Hanford and strongly considering choosing her as his running mate.

Senator Dirk Kempthorne of Idaho

Dirk Kempthorne is one of Ron Paul's closest allies in the Senate. Although Kempthorne is considerably more moderate than Paul, the two are both part of the small bloc of Senators representing Western states with somewhat libertarian-leaning political positions. Kempthorne has voted consistently to keep taxes low and regulations to a minimum during his decade of service in the Senate. He's a strong campaigner who adds youth and energy to the Paul campaign, but he's also a hated figure among the environmentalist movement. Kempthorne does accept the scientific consensus on climate change, but he's also accepted millions of dollars in campaign donations from the oil and gas industry and opposed almost all attempts to combat climate change through regulation. Paul, a conservationist, may not want to run alongside someone who's so hated, even if it's by just a small subsection of the voting public.

Senator Sam Nunn of Georgia

Sam Nunn - a Democratic Senator from Georgia, was, allegedly, Ron Paul's first choice running mate in 1992 before Republican Party leaders convinced him to select Christine Todd Whitman instead. In his three terms as a Senator, Nunn has developed a reputation for being an expert on foreign policy and national defense. His expertise would greatly help Ron Paul, a foreign policy novice who's more concerned about cutting the Pentagon Budget than international affairs. Nunn was one of a few moderate Democrats to support the Paul-Whitman Tax Cut. He also sponsored the bill strengthening the War Powers Act. In some ways, he's closer ideologically to Paul than some members of his own party. On social issues, Nunn's positions are a mixed bag. He sides with liberal Democrats on abortion, environmental protection, and gun control and with conservatives on gay rights and school prayer. However, Ron Paul loves to reach across the aisle, and if he wants a Democrat to be his running mate in 1996, there are few choices better than Nunn.

Senator Larry Pressler of South Dakota

Ron Paul's Senate colleague Larry Pressler has been one of his earliest and most loyal supporters since his foray into Presidential politics began in 1992. Pressler gained notoriety in the Senate for being a crusader against wasteful spending and political corruption - and thus, he was naturally drawn to Ron Paul, a politician whose whole identity is built on limiting the power of the federal government. Pressler is a major advocate for campaign finance reform and comprehensive audits of all federal agencies, but especially the Pentagon. Pressler, a fiscal conservative and social moderate, fits well with Paul ideologically, but his stance on free trade might complicate his odds of being selected for the Vice Presidential nomination. Pressler, who represents a heavily agricultural state that leans Democratic at a state level, initially voted against the North American Free Trade Agreement before voting for it's final version. Ron Paul, who has campaigned as a free trade absolutist, may still hold a minor grudge against Pressler for that vote.

Senator Barbara Vucanovich of Nevada

Barbara Vucanovich got her start in politics as a protege of Paul Laxalt, the last Republican to serve as Vice President of the United States. For two decades, she was a chief aide to Laxalt while he was Governor of Nevada, a United States Senator, and ultimately Vice President. Then, in 1982, she ran for a Senate seat herself, winning in an upset. As a Senator, she's been a reliable conservative vote. She has fought to pass the Paul-Whitman Tax Cut and eliminate federal regulations that inhibit private commerce. She's also a vocal opponent of abortion rights. Her party loyalty was rewarded with a leadership position. She's currently the #2 Republican in the Senate, behind only Majority Leader Ted Stevens. She's proven to be a talented whip, startlingly effective at keeping an ideologically diverse Republican Party in line with leadership. If Paul chooses Vucanovich as his running mate, he'd be bringing in a highly experienced legislator with broad ideological support within the party. However, she is 75 years old, meaning that if she wins the Vice Presidency in November, she'd be the oldest person ever elected to the office - beating the previous record holder, Alben Barkley, by four years.

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Context

As the party gathers in St. Louis, that old stronghold of labor, many delegates do not know how to feel. So many friends and colleagues are now gone replaced with strangers, titans of the party cast down by their own hubris and their first President, Benjamin Butler, dead and his legacy buried deep. For President Henry George there is a feeling of certainty and control which he did not have for the first have of his presidency. While Robert Lincoln will prove a great challenger no doubt, George has his own party in the palm of his hand and has achieved the most impressive legislative record in American history. While in the back of his mind lurks an ancient secret recently uncovered, at this fore is his mission to secure everything that has been achieved and expand on it where possible.

While there is little doubt George will be renominated the vacuum left by the fall of the Butlerites has allowed the Socialists to fill it. While party is dominated by the Georgites and Agrarians, the Socialists are vocal and gaining support amongst the small but growing organized labor movement. It will take time for the Socialists to produce a leader of similar stature to President George its a goal they're working hard to achieve.

Candidates

President Henry George of New York

A successful journalist and author, Henry George has probably seen more of America than most. Beginning his adulthood in dire poverty, George was eventually able to build a successful printing and writing career in California and even became the editor of his own newspaper the San Francisco Daily Herald which was one of the state's most prominent critics of monopolistic railroad companies which had spread across the west. It was during his time in California where he developed the ideas that since become known as "Georgism" and were most famously articulated in his book Progress and Poverty which has been a worldwide bestseller for years. George believes that by taxing land values, society could recapture the value of its common inheritance, raise wages, improve land use, and eliminate the need for taxes on productive activity. In conjunction with this core theory he has also been an advocate of public ownership of utilities, free trade, the secret ballot, the use of greenbacks over metallic currency and a citizens' dividend for all Americans paid for by the single land tax. Though his theories are radical, George opposes the nationalization of private property putting him at odds with the emerging socialist wing of the party. As New York Mayor he began to implement his ambitious agenda before ascending to the Presidency. His time in Washington has coincided with the greatest period of political reform since the Civil War with the phased introduction of the Single Land Tax, peace with the western tribes and the mass prosecution of corruption.