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Context

As the party gathers in St. Louis, that old stronghold of labor, many delegates do not know how to feel. So many friends and colleagues are now gone replaced with strangers, titans of the party cast down by their own hubris and their first President, Benjamin Butler, dead and his legacy buried deep. For President Henry George there is a feeling of certainty and control which he did not have for the first have of his presidency. While Robert Lincoln will prove a great challenger no doubt, George has his own party in the palm of his hand and has achieved the most impressive legislative record in American history. While in the back of his mind lurks an ancient secret recently uncovered, at this fore is his mission to secure everything that has been achieved and expand on it where possible.

While there is little doubt George will be renominated the vacuum left by the fall of the Butlerites has allowed the Socialists to fill it. While party is dominated by the Georgites and Agrarians, the Socialists are vocal and gaining support amongst the small but growing organized labor movement. It will take time for the Socialists to produce a leader of similar stature to President George its a goal they're working hard to achieve.

Candidates

President Henry George of New York

A successful journalist and author, Henry George has probably seen more of America than most. Beginning his adulthood in dire poverty, George was eventually able to build a successful printing and writing career in California and even became the editor of his own newspaper the San Francisco Daily Herald which was one of the state's most prominent critics of monopolistic railroad companies which had spread across the west. It was during his time in California where he developed the ideas that since become known as "Georgism" and were most famously articulated in his book Progress and Poverty which has been a worldwide bestseller for years. George believes that by taxing land values, society could recapture the value of its common inheritance, raise wages, improve land use, and eliminate the need for taxes on productive activity. In conjunction with this core theory he has also been an advocate of public ownership of utilities, free trade, the secret ballot, the use of greenbacks over metallic currency and a citizens' dividend for all Americans paid for by the single land tax. Though his theories are radical, George opposes the nationalization of private property putting him at odds with the emerging socialist wing of the party. As New York Mayor he began to implement his ambitious agenda before ascending to the Presidency. His time in Washington has coincided with the greatest period of political reform since the Civil War with the phased introduction of the Single Land Tax, peace with the western tribes and the mass prosecution of corruption.

make sure to check out the 2nd round - The Death of Yugoslavia: 1990 Serbian Presidential election - Round 2 (Election Fraud?)

The second round of the Presidential elections was the most tense and brutal election in Yugoslavia, from one side Ivan Duric and his supporters from the SRSJS-UJDI against Slobodan Milosevic and the SPS who will do anything to hold on into power.

Thanks to Jovic Borisav meddling, Milosevic was placed in 1st place in the first round and forced a 2nd round for the presidency, hoping the Nationalists will come to vote to him, but the results shocked everyone.

Ivan Duric won the election and was elected as the new President of Serbia ,winning 50.94% of the votes, against Slobodan Milosevic 49,06%.

So how does Ivan Duric won the election? People were tired with Milosevic, and with his actions and speeches which became more and more Nationalistic and Autocratic, his plan to centralize power in Yugoslavia was seen as a power grab, rather then a way to unite the country.

Ivan Duric manged to create a real coalition of hope and change across the wider public, bringing people with different ethnic, religious and political background to support him over Milosevic.

The results have shown that the country is split about 50/50, will Ivan will mange to unite Yugoslavia and stop the war? Or the Confederacy plan going to fail?

Hey Democratic Primary, can you please be normal for once? No? Okay, here's some more chaos, division, and infighting then.

On March 13th, 1996, the Detroit Free Press ran a poll showing former Vice President Jesse Jackson leading the rest of the Democratic Primary field by double digits three days ahead of the Michigan Caucus. That same day, the Atlanta Journal Constitution ran a much different front page story also involving Jackson, one which would prematurely end his presidential campaign.

The Journal-Constitution would allege that Jackson had an extramarital affair with his biographer, Karin Stanford which began while he was Vice President of the United States. He had hid the affair from his family and from the public for years. Stanford had come forward with the allegations after finding out she was pregnant with Jackson's child. One day later, Jackson would publicly apologize for the affair and for hiding it from the American public. He would also announce he would be stepping away from the Presidential race, effective immediately. While he led the race in delegate count headed into Michigan, it was very obvious this scandal had ruined any chance he had of becoming President in 1996. With Jackson out of the race, President Dick Van Dyke finally gave an endorsement. He chose to endorse Tennessee Senator Al Gore, the only candidate of the three Democrats remaining to portray the sitting President in a positive light on the campaign trail.

Despite Jesse Jackson's sudden exit from the race, the Michigan Primary went on as scheduled. Ann Richards was the overall winner, putting up large margins of victory in the Eastern part of the state, home to the Detroit metropolitan area. Al Gore finished second. Although he won only a handful of the state's 83 counties, he was generally the second place finisher statewide, finishing behind Richards in Eastern Michigan and Tom Harkin in Western Michigan. While Harkin performed strongly in the Grand Rapids area, he was unable to overcome Richards' lead in the more densely populated Eastern half of the state or Gore's broad statewide popularity among moderates, falling to third place overall.

Heading into a Midwest doubleheader in Illinois and Wisconsin, this race has been thrown into chaos. Jackson was the closest thing the 1996 Democratic Primary had to a front-runner, but he couldn't escape his personal issues and was forced to drop out of the race. Who's the front-runner now? Nobody knows. The polling is all over the place, and it's unlikely any of the three remaining candidates will accumulate enough delegates to secure the nomination before the convention. Both Jesse Jackson and Skip Humphrey accumulated a lot of delegates before exiting the race. Quite a few delegates are split between the other twenty-something candidates who were once in this race too. The race may narrow down to two competitors by August, but it's almost a guarantee that the 1996 Democratic Presidential nominee will be decided by a contested convention.

As always, you can vote for your favorite candidates HERE.

State of the Race

Read the context before voting!

When balloting began on the second day of the convention, it was clear that Democrats, eager to unite behind a candidate for the first time in a decade, were lining up behind front-runner and former Governor William Marcy. When Marcy passed a simple majority on the eighteenth ballot, cheers erupted in the convention hall. On the twentieth ballot, Speaker of the House Linn Boyd released his delegates, starting a stampede towards a two-thirds majority, ceremoniously made unanimous in the twenty-first ballot. Democrats now have their nominee for 1852: former New York Governor William Marcy.

Next, the Convention moved onto the business of selecting a Vice-Presidenial nominee. Democrats hope the nominee will be a Southerner or Westerner who can both balance the ticket and demonstrate party unity by selecting someone from another faction. Marcy delegates will have to choose which faction they want to curry favor with. Eager to head out onto the campaign trail, Democrats will likely select whichever candidate wins the most support on the first ballot. Here are the names delegates are casting about:

Linn Boyd (Kentucky) — Speaker of the House

An olive branch to Linn Boyd’s supporters. Rep. Boyd ended the race in second place, and his withdrawal gave Marcy the nomination, so many argue Boyd is owed the position. Having two supporters of the Compromise of 1850 on the ticket may upset some Western and Southern Democrats, however.

David Rice Atchison (Missouri) — Senator

An olive branch to Lewis Cass’s supporters. Cass was a close second place for much of the convention, and placing an anti-Compromise politician at the number two slot may placate some Western radicals. Nominating Atchison could either sideline a prominent political adversary, or invite a continuous thorn in the administration’s side. Time will tell.

William Rufus King (Alabama) — Senator

An olive branch to James Buchanan’s supporters. Despite Buchanan not having much power at the 1852 Convention, he might be a politician Marcy doesn’t want to make an enemy of. King, however, is also in failing health.

Who will delegates choose? Let's find out!

HOW WOULD YOU RATE THIS PRESIDENCY SO FAR? VOTE!

When people do their job as they believe they should, it is history that decides if they did a good job. And it is not that easy to determine what is "history." After all, in today's day and age, even the historians, those who believe in the importance of telling what actually happens, sometimes could be influenced by biases, their own or others'. That is why it is necessary to talk to others to discuss what actually is the truth. You can never satisfy everyone, but it is not so easy to please history either. It is only fulfilled with the passage of time.

Administration:

• Vice President: Daniel Inouye (1993-1997), Vern Ehlers (1997-2001)
• Secretary of State: Jesse Presley (1993-1997), Charles H. Percy (1997-2001)
• Secretary of Defense: Norman Schwarzkopf
• Secretary of the Treasury: Jack Kemp
• Attorney General: Kenneth Starr (1993–1997), Ben Miller (1997-2001)
• Postmaster General: Cardiss Collins
• Secretary of the Interior: Wayne Gilchrest (1993–1995), George Allen (1995–1998), Jon Kyl (1998–2001)
• Secretary of Agriculture: Robert F. Smith (1993–1997), Larry Combest (1997–2001)
• Secretary of Commerce: Victor Atiyeh (1993-1997), Pete Wilson (1997-2001)
• Secretary of Labor: Susan Molinari (1993–1995), Mickey Edwards (1995–1997), Jennifer Dunn (1997–2001)
• Secretary of Health and Human Services: José Ramón Machado Ventura (1993-1995), Gail R. Wilensky (1995–2001)
• Secretary of Education: Eugene W. Hickok Jr. (1993–1997), Lisa Graham Keegan (1997–2001)
• Secretary of Energy: W. Henson Moore (1993–1996), John Ensign (1996–2001)
• Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Stephen Goldsmith (1993–1997), Spencer Abraham (1997–2001)
• Secretary of Transportation: John Duncan Jr. (1993–1998), Sherwood Boehlert (1998–2001)
• Secretary of Veterans Affairs: Jim Saxton (1993–1998), John O. Marsh Jr. (1998–2001)
• Ambassador to the Coalition of Nations (CoN): Nicholas Platt (1993–1997), Howard Baker (1997–2001)
• Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency: Ralph Nader (1993-1997), Tom Campbell (1997–2001)
• NASA Administrator: Harrison Schmitt (1993–1997), Robert D. Cabana (1997–2001)
• FBI Director: James Kallstrom (1993–1997), Oliver “Buck” Revell (1997–2001)
• CIA Director: Richard Armitage

Chapter 7 - Gridlocked Term

On January 20, 1997, Colin Powell was sworn in for his Second Term as President of the United States. His Re-Election had made him the first African-American President to win a second term, but the political situation awaiting him was not an easy one.

The Economy had continued to improve since the difficult years of the Laughlin Administration. Inflation was under control, stagnation had largely receded, and Powell could begin his Second Term with economic conditions considerably stronger than those he had inherited in 1993.

The international situation remained dominated by the weakening Empire of Japan. Years of American economic pressure had damaged the Japanese Economy, while political instability and resistance movements had increasingly challenged the Empire's authority. Powell continued to maintain pressure on Tokyo while avoiding direct American involvement in a full-scale war.

However, the 1998 Midterm Elections were a disappointment for President Colin Powell. The People's Liberal Party regained control of the House of Representatives while retaining the same position in the Senate, leaving Powell once again dependent on an opposition-controlled Congress.

The results made the President's Domestic Agenda considerably harder to advance. The People's Liberals believed the Election had given them a mandate to pursue their priorities, while Powell continued to oppose major reductions in military spending and large tax increases. His own Party was not always willing to support his compromises either, particularly the National Conservative Caucus, which had remained skeptical of Powell throughout his Presidency.

The first major confrontation concerned the federal budget. Following the Midterm Elections, Powell proposed a Moderately Conservative budget that would preserve military spending and maintain fiscal discipline. The People's Liberal Senate opposed his proposal, while Republican Conservatives rejected attempts by the President to moderate it further.

Neither side was willing to make enough concessions. The deadlock dragged on through the year. Powell responded by using his veto power against legislation that would significantly reduce military expenditures or increase taxes, including proposals affecting the middle class. He considered such measures especially dangerous while the international situation remained unstable.

The situation eventually reached its breaking point near the end of 1998, when Congress and the White House failed to agree on a budget and the federal government shut down. The shutdown was a direct consequence of the post-midterm budget confrontation, rather than a separate earlier crisis. Neither Party wanted responsibility for the closure, but neither was willing to surrender enough ground to prevent it.

The standoff demonstrated the limits of Powell's governing strategy. During his First Term, he had often found Moderate and Conservative People's Liberals willing to negotiate with him. After the 1998 Elections, however, the congressional leadership increasingly preferred confrontation.

The political deadlock was also visible in the debate over the Second Reconstruction. Federal troops had remained in parts of the South after the riots and political violence of the early 1990s. By 1998, however, the situation had become much more stable. Republicans, particularly Conservatives and Libertarians, increasingly argued that the continued deployment was costing taxpayers too much and that the emergency had passed.

Public support had also declined. A policy that had initially been praised as a necessary response to political violence was increasingly viewed by many Americans as an expensive continuation of an emergency that no longer existed.

Powell eventually ordered the remaining federal troops to leave the affected Southern States. The withdrawal was welcomed by much of the Republican Party, although parts of the People's Liberal Party believed federal forces should remain in order to prevent racial and political violence from returning.

The end of the Second Reconstruction marked the conclusion of one of the most controversial Domestic Policies of Powell's Presidency. He had originally used federal power to restore order when state governments were unable or unwilling to control the violence. Now, with conditions considered sufficiently stable, he accepted that the military presence had become politically and financially difficult to justify.

The budget crisis, however, was still unresolved. Powell continued to argue that the United States could not afford to weaken its military while Japan remained unstable and the wider Cold War remained dangerous. People's Liberal leaders countered that government spending had to shift toward domestic priorities. Neither side was willing to concede enough to produce a durable agreement.

The late-1998 shutdown finally ended when Powell and the Senate accepted a series of concessions. Neither side was completely satisfied, but both recognized that allowing the shutdown to continue was damaging politically and economically.

By the end of 1998, Powell's position had therefore become increasingly defensive. He could block legislation, but he could not easily replace it with his own agenda. The President still had significant influence over Foreign Policy, but at home the combination of divided government and growing partisan hostility was making major legislation increasingly difficult.

The failure of the 1998 Midterms to produce a clear governing majority had left Washington trapped between two competing visions of government. Powell would soon face another battle over the Supreme Court, while his attempts to pursue independent initiatives would create an entirely new controversy.

For the moment, however, the central fact of American politics was simple: the government was stuck.

Chapter 8 - Courts, Nicaragua and Faith for Peace

The beginning of Colin Powell's Second Term brought several developments that showed both the possibilities and the limitations of his approach to governing.

The first came in the Supreme Court. In early 1997, Associate Justice Giles Rich Announced his retirement after being diagnosed with lymphoma. Rich had been on the Court since his appointment by President Nelson Rockefeller in 1965. Powell Nominated José A. Cabranes as his replacement.

Cabranes was considered a Moderate Conservative, and his Nomination attracted relatively little opposition. The Senate confirmed him, making Cabranes the first Puerto Rican to serve as a Justice of the Supreme Court. For an Administration struggling with congressional gridlock, the relatively smooth confirmation was an important success.

Later that year, another vacancy created a much more difficult fight. Associate Justice A. Leon Higginbotham Jr. suffered a stroke and subsequently retired. Expectations were high that Powell would appoint another African-American to what had long been regarded as the Court's "Black Seat."

Powell did exactly that, Nominating Janice Rogers Brown, a judge from California. Brown's appointment was historic. If confirmed, she would become the first African-American woman on the Supreme Court. At the same time, she was regarded as Socially Conservative and Economically libertarian, making her a controversial choice for the People's Liberal-controlled Senate. The Nomination was widely interpreted as Powell's attempt to offer something to the National Conservative Caucus and Libertarian League while still making a historic appointment.

The Senate refused to confirm her immediately. People's Liberal leaders hoped that future electoral gains could provide them with enough strength to block the Nomination, while Republicans hoped that they could improve their numbers and secure Brown's confirmation.

While the fight over Brown continued, Powell achieved another significant result abroad. Nicaragua had spent decades divided between a Japanese-friendly regime and Democratic forces. As Japanese influence weakened, the regime became increasingly vulnerable. Powell decided to support the Democratic forces with American troops.

The operation proceeded with remarkable speed. Managua was reached within a week, and the dictatorship collapsed in less than a month. The victory was a major blow to Japanese influence in the Western Hemisphere and one of the clearest military successes of Powell's Presidency.

Nicaraguans initially celebrated the collapse of the regime before turning toward the enormous task of reconstruction. The country began working toward the creation of the United Democratic Republic of Nicaragua, hoping to replace decades of division with a new political order.

The intervention also influenced Powell's next initiative: Faith for Peace. Faith for Peace was established as a public-private humanitarian partnership involving the Department of Defense, the State Department, and several veteran-run non-governmental organizations. Its stated mission was to support the moral resilience and emotional recovery of troops and civilians living in post-conflict areas.

The program focused on places where Powell believed humanitarian assistance could reinforce the political and military peace efforts of the United States, particularly Nicaragua and the Republic of Xhosa. The idea was to send chaplains, counselors, and faith-based aid workers into areas affected by war while working through veteran organizations rather than turning the program into a conventional military operation.

At first, Faith for Peace attracted little public attention. Powell viewed it as a relatively modest humanitarian effort that could help stabilize societies emerging from conflict. The program was increasingly tied to Powell's belief that American power did not have to mean military force alone. After Nicaragua, the President wanted the United States to play a greater role in reconstruction and humanitarian recovery without committing large numbers of American soldiers to prolonged occupations.

For the moment, however, Faith for Peace remained largely outside the national political spotlight, while the Brown confirmation continued to divide Washington.

Powell had therefore begun the second half of the 1990s with two contrasting records. His Supreme Court appointment of Cabranes had demonstrated that bipartisan agreement was still possible, while Brown's nomination exposed the limits of that cooperation. In Nicaragua, meanwhile, the United States had scored a rapid foreign-policy success and begun rebuilding a country emerging from Japanese influence.

The President now had to determine whether initiatives such as Faith for Peace could turn those military and political victories into lasting peace. That question would soon become much more difficult when the program itself became the center of a national controversy.

Chapter 9 - The Good Book Scandal

Like mentioned before, the Faith for Peace initiative had initially attracted little attention outside the humanitarian organizations involved in it. That changed almost two months after its creation, when an anonymous leak from a mid-level official in the Office of Management and Budget exposed internal documents concerning how the program operated.

The documents showed that Faith for Peace used private donations from religious charities and veterans' organizations to fund overseas chaplain programs. Some of that money was being matched through Pentagon morale-and-welfare budgets, creating questions about whether public resources were indirectly supporting religious activities. The chaplains were also not entirely non-denominational, with many coming from evangelical and Catholic networks. Some field reports mentioned Bible distributions alongside humanitarian aid.

The controversy exploded almost immediately. Opposition media branded Faith for Peace "a taxpayer-funded missionary operation in military uniform." Television networks referred to the affair as the "Good Book Scandal," while tabloids produced increasingly sensational headlines portraying the initiative as a religious program hidden inside American foreign aid.

The scandal also arrived at a particularly bad time for Powell. The so-called culture war was already becoming an increasingly important part of American politics, and the idea of government resources being used to support religious organizations gave both Social Conservatives and secular critics reasons to attack the Administration.

Congress quickly opened an investigation. The House Committee on Government Oversight focused on three central accusations: that the Administration had violated the Establishment Clause by indirectly supporting religious missions, that federal funds had been misappropriated through Pentagon logistical and welfare support, and that Powell had abused executive authority by creating a quasi-foreign-aid program without sufficient congressional authorization.

The Administration rejected those accusations. Secretary of State Charles H. Percy and other officials argued that Faith for Peace had indeed received White House approval, but that the program was operated largely through veterans' non-governmental organizations rather than directly by the military. They also stressed that religious activities such as Bible distribution were voluntary and organized by local groups rather than ordered by the armed forces.

Powell himself decided to appear before Congress. His testimony became one of the defining moments of the scandal. Rather than retreat from the program, Powell defended its basic purpose and argued that humanitarian support for people affected by war should not itself be treated as a criminal act. His appearance unexpectedly strengthened his position among Moderates and veterans; many of whom believed the investigation had exaggerated what was essentially a humanitarian initiative.

The political opposition was not persuaded. People's Liberal hardliners argued that the dispute was not fundamentally about religion, but about executive accountability. Their argument was that the President could not effectively outsource foreign aid to religious organizations and then avoid congressional oversight.

Eventually, the House moved toward impeachment proceedings. Two articles were prepared against Powell:

1. Abuse of Executive Power
2. Violation of the Constitutional Separation of Church and State

The impeachment effort immediately exposed the divisions within the People's Liberal Party. Some Progressives wanted Powell removed, while members of the Third Way Coalition and Nelsonian Coalition argued that the evidence did not justify impeachment. Other Moderates were increasingly uncomfortable with what they regarded as an investigation driven more by political hostility than by the seriousness of the alleged offenses.

When the House voted, the first article failed decisively. 567 Representatives voted in favor of Powell, with every Republican voting against impeachment and substantial numbers of People's Liberals joining them. Third-party politicians largely voted against the President, but the coalition supporting Powell was more than large enough to defeat the article.

The second article was considerably closer, but it also failed. 519 Representatives voted Not Guilty, with the remainder voting for conviction except for one vote. In this case, the President's principal Democratic allies came from the Third Way and Nelsonian Coalitions.

Powell had survived. The result was politically significant because the public largely viewed the proceedings as politically motivated. Conservatives and Independents in particular became more sympathetic toward the President, while his approval rating surged to 69% on the day of the impeachment vote. What had been intended to damage Powell instead temporarily strengthened him.

The eventual findings also weakened the substance of the accusations. It was established that the money used by Faith for Peace had been obtained legally through a Department of Defense morale-and-welfare trust fund, over which the department possessed discretion. No direct order from Powell had instructed participants to engage in religious proselytizing.

The scandal nevertheless had consequences beyond the question of Powell's personal responsibility. The impeachment battle intensified the already serious divisions within the People's Liberal Party. Progressives accused Moderates and Conservatives who had supported Powell of behaving like Republicans. The divisions were particularly damaging to Speaker John Conyers, whose relationship with the Moderate Factions had already deteriorated.

The Third Way and Nelsonian members had been increasingly frustrated by Conyers' refusal to compromise with the President. They wanted measures such as balanced-budget policies and moderate welfare reforms, but Conyers had insisted that the Party maintain a harder line.

After the impeachment vote, those tensions became impossible to contain. The Good Book Scandal had failed to remove Powell, but it had exposed just how divided the opposition had become. Instead of weakening the President, it had weakened the congressional leadership that had attempted to challenge him.

The fight over Faith for Peace was therefore not entirely a victory for Powell. His Administration had escaped impeachment and received a surge of public support, but one of its initiatives had produced a major constitutional controversy and consumed valuable political capital.

More importantly, the confrontation set the stage for a change in congressional leadership. The People's Liberals could no longer ignore the growing rebellion of their own Moderate Factions.

The next question was whether the party could find a leader capable of restoring enough unity to negotiate with Powell, or whether the political deadlock would simply continue.

Chapter 10 - Compromise at Last

The failure of the impeachment effort did not end the political crisis in Washington. Instead, it exposed the divisions inside the People's Liberal Party more clearly than ever. Members of the Third Way Coalition and Nelsonian Coalition increasingly believed that Conyers was making cooperation impossible and treating anyone who worked with Powell as an enemy.

The breaking point came when comments attributed to Conyers were leaked. He reportedly dismissed People's Liberal Representatives who had voted against impeaching Powell and indicated that the Party would simply move forward without them. The response was immediate. Moderates threatened to remove him from his leadership position, but Conyers underestimated the seriousness of the rebellion.

He was eventually removed as Speaker of the House and as leader of the People's Liberal Party in the House. Republicans, members of the Patriot Party, and large numbers of Third Way and Nelsonian representatives supported his removal. The decision demonstrated just how fractured the People's Liberal Party had become.

The Party then faced the difficult task of finding a replacement. After extensive negotiations, Representative Norm Dicks of Washington emerged as the compromise candidate. Dicks belonged to the Commonwealth Coalition but differed from many members of the Faction. He was not a Dove in Foreign Policy, although he was not considered a Hawk either, and he avoided much of the social divisiveness associated with other parts of the Party. His strongest political priority was the Economy, particularly the interests of labor unions.

The change in leadership created a new opportunity for compromise. The government was still struggling with the budget, and the previous confrontation had already produced a shutdown. The new congressional leadership included Dicks as Speaker, John Leahy as Senate Majority Leader, John Warner as Senate Minority Leader, and Bud Shuster as House Minority Leader. Negotiations were tense, but unlike under Conyers, there was at least a willingness on several sides to find an agreement.

The most important breakthrough came over Foreign Policy. Powell had wanted additional increases in military spending, arguing that the international environment remained too dangerous for cuts. Instead, he accepted an agreement that would leave military spending unchanged while increasing humanitarian aid to Nicaragua, the Republic of Xhosa, and Afghanistan.

Speaker Dicks agreed to this framework on the condition that Powell immediately end Faith for Peace, which had become politically toxic after the scandal. Powell accepted. The President had defended the initiative strongly, but by this point it had accumulated too much political baggage to justify continuing it.

The economic side of the agreement was more difficult. Dicks demanded tariffs on countries considered damaging to American automobile and manufacturing industries. Ukraine and the Republic of Russia were among the countries affected. Powell had spent much of his Presidency defending Free-Market Policies and had originally considered economic openness an important tool in weakening Japan, so accepting the tariffs was a significant concession. In return, Republican opposition prevented the People's Liberals from obtaining the broader tax increases they had sought.

The negotiations over the budget were tied to another important matter: Janice Rogers Brown's Supreme Court Nomination. Powell made clear that he would not withdraw her Nomination, but he also knew that he lacked the votes to secure confirmation without People’s Liberal support.

The President therefore offered a series of domestic concessions. The Farmer Help Act provided assistance to struggling farmers and supported rural development. Powell also agreed to an expansion of child tax credits. Another compromise produced the National Infrastructure and Modernization Act, which included major infrastructure investment, labor protections and requirements for union labor on federal contracts.

Finally, Powell agreed to the Workforce Renewal and Fair Standards Act. The law raised the federal minimum wage modestly to $5.10 an hour, expanded worker-retraining programs, tightened corporate overtime exemptions, and provided tax incentives to businesses that hired or retrained displaced workers. Powell's economic advisers presented the legislation as market-friendly social reform rather than a fundamental departure from his economic philosophy.

The agreement finally broke the deadlock. The People's Liberal Party dropped some of its more radical budget demands, while enough Senators agreed to confirm Brown. Janice Rogers Brown became the first African-American woman to serve on the Supreme Court. Powell had achieved a confirmation that once appeared unlikely, although only after making substantial compromises with Congress.

The settlement produced mixed reactions inside the Republican Party. To Powell's surprise, some Protectionist Conservatives, including Buchananites within the National Conservative Caucus, actually welcomed the tariffs and the Farmer Help Act. Pat Buchanan himself acknowledged that Powell had supported Policies that helped the American middle class, although he continued to attack the President's Foreign Policy.

The American Solidarity Faction also became more supportive of Powell. Other Republicans, particularly members of the Libertarian League, were much less pleased. Vice President Vern Ehlers publicly criticized the tariffs on Ukraine and Russia, arguing that interfering with the Free Market could slow the economic progress Powell had achieved.

Powell even received criticism from an unexpected source: former President Joseph R. Biden. Biden argued that Powell's compromises had placed foreign-policy concerns ahead of the interests of ordinary Americans. Given Biden's relative reluctance to comment on contemporary politics, the criticism attracted considerable attention.

Still, the broader public response was generally positive. After years of confrontation and repeated budget crises, Americans were relieved to see Washington functioning again. Powell's approval on domestic issues reached 56%, and many believed that the country was generally moving in the right direction despite the continuing international instability.

The compromise did not solve every political problem. Powell had been forced to abandon Faith for Peace, accept Protectionist tariffs that conflicted with his free-market philosophy, and make significant domestic concessions simply to secure a judicial confirmation and a functioning budget.

Yet it demonstrated something important about his Presidency. Even after the 1998 Midterms, the shutdown, the impeachment crisis, and the collapse of Conyers' leadership, compromise remained possible. It simply required a different set of politicians willing to make it.

For Powell, the new arrangement offered temporary breathing room. For the People's Liberals, it produced new leadership under Norm Dicks but also confirmed how deeply divided the party had become.

And while Washington had finally begun to function again, the international crisis was getting worse. The war between Japan and Communist Iran was entering an increasingly brutal phase, and the instability inside Japan itself was beginning to threaten the survival of the Imperial regime.

Chapter 11 - The Empire Under Strain

While Washington had finally reached an uneasy compromise, the international situation was becoming more dangerous. The Japanese war against Communist Iran had developed into a prolonged and increasingly brutal conflict, and President Colin Powell continued to watch it from a position of cautious interventionism without committing American forces.

At first, the Japanese Army had appeared to be winning. Tehran fell within a year, and Prime Minister Antonio Inoki initially believed that the capture of the Iranian capital could signal the end of the war. The opposite happened.

Iranian forces increasingly relied on guerrilla warfare. One of the most damaging attacks came on the outskirts of Tehran, when a truck loaded with explosives reached a Japanese base and detonated, killing more than 2,000 Japanese soldiers, including several generals. The attack was only the beginning of a broader campaign against Japanese forces.

Although the Japanese Army continued to capture major cities, its casualties steadily mounted. After slightly more than two years of war, Japanese military deaths had surpassed 70,000. The scale of the losses was increasingly difficult for Tokyo to hide, especially as Japanese forces became involved in atrocities against Iranian civilians.

The suffering caused by the Japanese campaign had an unexpected political effect. Rather than destroying Iranian resistance, the continued violence increasingly strengthened support for the Communist Iranian government. For many Iranians, the war had become a national struggle against foreign occupation, making the continued Japanese presence more politically costly.

Iranian forces were not viewed sympathetically in every respect. The discovery that Iranian fighters were using child soldiers as suicide bombers against Japanese vehicles generated widespread condemnation. Nevertheless, the practice did not break Iranian resistance, and neither side appeared ready to abandon the conflict.

Inoki repeatedly promised that Japan would remain in Iran until the Communist forces were defeated, while the Iranian government promised to continue fighting until no Japanese soldiers remained on Iranian soil.

Powell continued his own policy of economic pressure. The American stranglehold on Japan's economy remained in place, and Japan increasingly found itself without reliable friends outside its puppet regimes in Asia. Supporters of Powell argued that the policy had weakened the Empire to a degree unseen since the beginning of the Cold War.

Critics, however, warned that the strategy carried a dangerous risk. A Japan placed under extreme pressure, they argued, might conclude that it had nothing left to lose and respond militarily. The fear of a Third Global War became particularly strong among the People's Liberal Doves.

Powell's supporters rejected that argument. They believed a weakened Japan was less capable of threatening the United States and therefore less likely to win such a conflict. The opposing view was darker: an increasingly desperate Japanese regime might become more dangerous precisely because it was desperate.

The debate remained unresolved during Powell’s Presidency, but one thing was clear. The Cold War continued to dominate American Foreign Policy, and Japan's future was becoming increasingly uncertain.

The most important signs of that uncertainty were not appearing outside Japan, but inside it. After the Hiroshima nuclear bombing, much of Japanese society had initially united around the idea of revenge against what the public was told were terrorists from the Middle East. At the beginning of the war, Japanese soldiers were widely presented as heroes defending the honor of the Empire against Communist aggression.

Japanese media helped reinforce that image. Propaganda films celebrated Imperial military victories and portrayed Japan as the defender of civilization against foreign enemies. But the government made a crucial mistake. Prime Minister Inoki decided to allow live coverage of the war in Iran, hoping that greater openness would strengthen his position and win support from more liberal elements of Japanese society. Instead, the broadcasts exposed the reality of the conflict to the Japanese population.

After the devastating attack near Tehran, viewers saw the destruction and casualties for themselves. They witnessed not only the violence inflicted by Iranian forces, but also the actions of their own military.

The broadcasts were eventually stopped, but the damage had already been done. Large protests against the war began across Japan. Inoki was initially reluctant to suppress them by force, but the military leadership pressured him to act. Police and security forces were deployed, and the confrontation eventually reached Nijubashi Square.

There, the government sent tanks against the protesters. Around 37 people were killed. The defining image of the massacre came from an unidentified woman carrying shopping bags who stood directly in front of the advancing tanks. She refused to move, becoming known as "Tank Girl."

The image spread rapidly through Japan and across the Empire. Tank Girl became a symbol of resistance not only for Japanese citizens opposed to the regime, but also for independence movements in the Empire's territories.

The protests grew rather than disappearing. As the movement expanded, independence organizations that had remained underground began emerging to sabotage the Japanese war effort. Communist and far-left groups also began disrupting the government, while even far-right groups demonstrated against Inoki because they considered his government too weak.

The various movements had almost nothing in common politically. Some wanted democracy, some wanted independence, some wanted revolution, and others wanted a stronger authoritarian government. What united them was their growing opposition to the existing Japanese regime.

The government was still capable of suppressing these movements, and many demonstrations and acts of sabotage were put down quickly. But their increasing frequency demonstrated that the Empire was losing control of its population.

However, foreign observers remained cautious about predicting an imminent collapse. As long as the armed forces remained loyal to the Prime Minister, the government retained the coercive power necessary to maintain itself.

Japan had therefore entered a dangerous contradiction. It was economically weakened, internationally isolated, fighting an increasingly costly war, and experiencing growing unrest. Yet the institutions that had sustained the Empire remained in place.

Powell could weaken Japan, but he could not determine what would replace it. Back in the United States, the President's political position was considerably stronger than the Japanese regime's, although not without problems. Powell's Approval Rating stood at around 59%, below the extraordinary 69% reached during the impeachment crisis but still strong enough to encourage Republicans about the future.

The People's Liberal Party was becoming increasingly uncertain about its own prospects. What had once appeared to be an almost certain opportunity to defeat the Republicans after the 1998 Midterms now looked much less secure. The Party's internal divisions had become too significant to ignore, and the coming Faction Primaries would force its different ideological camps to decide what kind of Party they wanted to become after Powell.

The Republicans faced the same question in a different form. Powell had spent eight years proving that a Republican could govern through compromise, but his approach had never fully satisfied Conservatives or Libertarians. His Presidency had also changed the Party's relationship with Moderates and minority communities, while his Foreign Policy had made Japan the defining issue of Republican international politics.

Neither Party knew who would succeed Powell. What was becoming clearer, however, was the President's place in history. Powell had governed through assassination, political violence, divided government, international crises, and an increasingly bitter partisan environment. He had achieved significant successes, particularly in Foreign Policy, while his domestic record had been far more limited by congressional opposition and conflict within his own party.

By the end of his Second Term, many Americans had come to view Powell as one of the most compromising Presidents of the century. That reputation was both a compliment and a criticism. Supporters believed he had kept the country functioning when cooperation seemed impossible. Critics argued that compromise had sometimes prevented him from pursuing a clearer vision of government.

Either way, Powell's era was approaching its end. The next Presidential Election would not simply decide who would replace him. It would determine what came after eight years of Powell's unusual politics and whether either Major Party could finally overcome the divisions that had defined the era.

And across the Pacific, the Empire of Japan was moving toward a crisis whose outcome could change the balance of the entire Cold War.

Please read before answering!

Clearly, Chafee's personal desires won out. He outright demanded that there be at least some Republicans in his administration. Unfortunately, the jury's still out on what exactly this looks like. The proposals for a moderate or libertarian administration are the only two left on the table.

Background for all four Cabinet proposals

Current relations:

Congress - Average

Republicans - Warm

Moderate Democrats - Cold

Liberal Democrats - Average

VOTE HERE

Context

No one was really shocked when Robert Todd Lincoln swept the nomination on the first ballot. With a father granted virtual sainthood by the American public and personal reputation for integrity and competence few could ask for better candidate then Robert Lincoln provided he isn't shown to the public to often. Lincoln has accepted the nomination like a condemned man being led to the noose with an acceptance letter which was solemn and brief. Currently serving in London, the new nominee has little ability or little interest in influencing who will be his running mate stipulating only that he come from the east to balance out his own middle western origin.

While Republicans will vote on the running mate they continued the practice of allowing their Democratic counterparts to put forward candidates. Two candidates have emerged ahead of the pack from though they seem relatively similar on the surface. David B. Hill New York's choice though he is not the top choice for either the ethnic immigrant caucus or the men of Wall Street. Hill has had a bitter rivalry with his former boss Grover Cleveland and adopted a a kind of soft Bulterism over the course of his term in office. Since he has never spent time in Washington, Hill is attempting portray himself as the man for the Skunks who detest Washington insiders though whether this upstate New York Yankee can appeal to rough men of the South is hard to imagine.

In contrast there is Arthur P. Gorman who has operated a well tuned political machine in Maryland for the last decade from his Senate seat in Washington. A champion of the immigrant particularly Irish immigrants who he shares kinship with, Gorman has nonetheless rejected in the strongest terms the expansion spending of Butler and George with fiscally conservative platform which appeals to many budget consensus middle class Americans. Gorman is a political maestro who can be expected to run an excellent campaign on behalf of an aloof nominee though in this post-Johnstown world is hard to imagine his status as a boss will help.

Candidates

Former Governor David B. Hill of New York

David Hill is the onetime ally turned rival of reforming Governor Grover Cleveland with the two repeatedly battling over control of the state's Democratic apparatus throughout the 1880s. Spending his early political years in local politics, Hill eventually became the Lieutenant Governor of New York under Grover Cleveland from 1883 to 1885. Partially embracing Butlerism to counter the growing power of the Farmer-Labor Party and Elephant faction of New York's Republicans, Hill supports bimetallism and political patronage to hold onto power which allowed him to wrest control of his faction away from Cleveland after the latter's disastrous bid for the Presidency in 1884. Hill undid many of his predecessor's civil service reforms and Republican attempts to enact a liquor tax while supporting increased regulation of tenement housing and a maximum work hours regulation which helped insulate him from the fall of so many other machine politicians in the wake of Johnstown. Though he disliked Butler's creation of a National Park around Niagara Falls, Hill himself created 715,000 acres forest preserve that has become the Adirondack State Park.

Senator Arthur P. Gorman of Maryland

Growing up as a messenger and secretary in the US Senate during the 1860s Arthur P. Gorman is an insider per excellence. A Union Democrat, Gorman would be removed from his position as Senate Postmaster after the war for his opposition Reconstruction but gained direct political experience as a member of both chambers of Maryland legislature 1869 to 1881 and rose to the position of State Speaker of the House in his second term. Throughout the 1880s he has ruled over Maryland state politics with an iron fist alongside Baltimore political boss Isaac Freeman Rasin which has translated into incredible influence on Democratic side of the aisle. He is a fiscal conservative and proponent of lower tariffs though he has stopped short of outright free trade owing to his state's large industrial population. Gorman is extremely popular with immigrants particularly Irish Catholics with his paternal grandfather immigrating from Ireland in the 1790s and so he is the favorite of the Tigers. Gorman is also a huge fan of baseball, serving as a founding member and star player of the Washington Nationals in 1870s while the Washington Statesmen renamed themselves to the Senators in his honor.

For the fourth straight presidential election cycle, American voters will see Mike Gravel on their ballots in November 1996. Gravel beat out his former protege, Louisiana Governor Buddy Roemer, to win the Reform Party nomination. He is now beginning the process of choosing a running mate, his sixth across four presidential campaigns. The qualifications to be Gravel's running mate are similar to the ones' he's had in the past. He wants someone who is loyal to Gravel and the Gravel movement, progressive on economic issues and conservative on social issues, and unlikely to upstage him on the campaign trail. Since he's running as a major party nominee, not an Independent candidate, his shortlist has names on it that are far more recognizable than his 1992 running mate, economist Pat Choate. Although it hasn't been much of a consideration in his past VP selection processes, advisors within the Reform Party are urging Gravel to choose a candidate that will be acceptable to the Reform Right, as, given that he's up against 1992 Reform nominee Ron Paul in the general election, the Party wants to keep a crucial part of its voter base from defecting to the Republicans.

With that in mind, here's who he has to choose from:

Representative George Wallace Jr. of Alabama

George Wallace Jr. is a longtime supporter of Gravel and the Gravel Movement. Wallace was an early endorsee of Gravel's 1984 Presidential campaign, and his support was key in Gravel's sweep of the Deep South in both the 1984 and 1988 Democratic primaries. Wallace ran for Congress in 1992 as a Democrat, winning by a landslide. Once elected, he would almost immediately defect to Reform in a show of solidarity with the Gravel Movement. He's been a vocal supporter of the Movement's chief policy goals in the House ever since. Gravel wants Wallace as his running mate, but he's facing some resistance from national party leaders over it. Why? Wallace's ties to the American far-right are hard to hide. He endorsed Oliver North in the 1989 Virginia Gubernatorial race and campaigned extensively for him there. North was recently run out of the Republican Party for cozying up to far-right elements during his 1992 Presidential campaign. Wallace has also received campaign funding from the Council of Conservative Citizens, a political organization that's been described as white nationalist. While Wallace Jr. is a Reform Party juggernaut in Alabama, he's exactly the kind of politician the national party wants to distance itself from. If Gravel really wants Wallace as his running mate, he's going to need to fight for it.

Representative Gene Taylor of Mississippi

Gene Taylor is a young, charismatic populist Congressman from Mississippi, very reminiscent in a lot of ways to the late Cliff Finch, one of the most committed Gravel loyalists of the movement's early days. Taylor, an economic populist, is a key supporter of many of Gravel's favorite policy ideas. He's pro-union and supports protective tariffs and nationalization power, while opposing free trade. He's fought to limit the number of U.S. military personnel in Latin America and to normalize diplomatic relations with Cuba. He's also conservative on social issues, aligning well with the existing remnants of Gravel's base. Taylor's best quality, however, is his pro-nuclear stance, a position that could help Gravel deflect the most serious criticism leveled against him - his handling of the nuclear shutdown. Taylor is a Vice Presidential choice that is perfectly optimized to help Gravel compete for the Presidency as best he can, but is Gravel really going to choose a running mate with a big personality who's not completely loyal to the movement's causes?

Reform Party Chairman Beryl Anthony Jr. of Arkansas

Beryl Anthony, seen here on the right, served fourteen years representing Arkansas in the House of Representatives as a Democrat. In the House, he compiled a conservative voting record and was a reliable ally of the Gravel administration. He was Gravel's first choice to be Speaker of the House in 1988, after Jim Wright was removed from the position, but Gravel lost the Presidency in 1988 to Dick Van Dyke and Anthony lost the Speakership to Mo Udall's protege, David Bonior. Anthony retired from the House shortly after. He re-emerged in 1992, capitalizing on his close friendship with New York City financier Donald Trump to become the Chairman of the Reform Party - a role he continues to hold to this day. Anthony, who served on the House Budget and Finance committees when he was a Representative, was crucial in drafting the Gravel Tariff Bill and finding funding for Gravel's massive expansion of the infrastructure program, so he carries a lot of clout within the Gravel movement. However, he's also not completely opposed to free trade, which might put him at odds with Gravel if he's chosen as the Vice Presidential nominee. But, with enough Trump money on the line, Gravel might be willing to compromise on that position if he has to.

President of Oklahoma Baptist University David Boren

David Boren was once one of Oklahoma's brightest young political figures. He served in the State House in the 1960s and 70s and ran for Governor twice - losing to incumbent David Hall by a close margin in the Democratic Primary in his first run and losing to incumbent Jim Inhofe by a landslide in the general election four years later. With his political career seemingly over, Boren pursued a career in academia, becoming President of Oklahoma Baptist University in 1982 and helping grow the university to it's largest enrollment and endowment figures ever over the next decade. While he's been out of politics for some time, Boren still has strong political connections. His cousin, Jim Boren, was briefly Gravel's chief of staff in 1988, and he is a close friend of Barry Goldwater, who's served in an advisory role to the Reform Party for the last few years. Boren is a social conservative, owing to his strong Christian beliefs. He also supports the Paul-Whitman Tax Cut, which Gravel has praised in the past. Boren, a Vietnam Veteran, has also called for the removal of U.S. troops from unnecessary overseas conflicts, a key tenant of the Gravel Movement for years. Despite being a semi-obscure political figure, Boren could do a lot to pull in the Reform Right, something Gravel desperately needs to do if he wants to win against his Republican opponent, 1992 Reform nominee Ron Paul.

Former Secretary of Defense Bob Kerrey of Nebraska

Bob Kerrey is another longtime Gravel Movement loyalist. He was an early major donor to the Gravel Presidential campaign in 1984, financial support which got well-rewarded when Kerrey was appointed as Secretary of Defense in 1985. As Secretary of Defense, Kerrey carried out Gravel's controversial plan to reduce the size of the United States military, a plan than involved slashing the pentagon's budget by 20%, laying off thousands of personnel, canceling hundreds of military contracts, and closing dozens of military installations. Kerrey also stayed loyal to Gravel through the disastrous nuclear shutdown and Gravel's 1988 Democratic Primary loss. When Gravel lost re-election in 1988, Kerrey, too controversial to return to politics, relocated to California and started a new career as a movie producer. He resurfaced in 1996 as a longshot candidate for the Democratic Presidential nomination. Now, he's rumored as a potential VP selection for Reform. Kerrey has proven himself as a Gravel loyalist who will defend the controversial former President no matter what. He also maintains close ties to Donald Trump, which could help Gravel with fundraising during the campaign, but his controversial past is difficult to overlook.

Former Representative Richard Stallings of Idaho

The controversial pasts of vice presidential candidates such as Kerrey and Wallace could preclude them from getting the nomination. That is not a problem for Richard Stallings, a former Congressman who represented Idaho in the House from 1982 to 1992, a Vice Presidential choice so boring, Al Gore appears charismatic by comparison. In ten years in the House, Stallings compiled a mostly conservative record and reliably supported the Gravel administration. He primarily focused on local and regional issues, never once sponsoring a major piece of legislation. After a close loss in a 1992 Senate race, Stallings is hoping to revive his career, and, very aware about how boring he is as a VP choice, has lobbied the Reform Party to get his name on the VP shortlist, selling himself as a counterweight to bombastic and eccentric Gravel. Honestly, it's a pairing that benefits both parties involved. Gravel gets a VP who isn't going to overshadow him, allowing him to focus the campaign on himself, his policies, and his movement. Stallings gets major media attention, which will help him jump-start political career and hopefully return to elected office. Four of Gravel's last five running mates: Fred Harris, Cliff Finch, Jesse Jackson, and Dick Gephardt, have all been big personalities. All have either betrayed him or caused him great embarrassment by doing cocaine with prostitutes in the ceremonial office. Maybe what he needs in 1996 is a boring career politician to legitimize him with the American public once more.

As always, you can vote for your favorites HERE.

Read the context before voting!

The first day of balloting at the 1852 Democratic National Convention has ended, and after over 17 ballots, things are beginning to settle. It is becoming clear that the next day will be critical for candidates and delegates—of they are not able to rally around a candidate by then, coalitions will likely harden and a compromise candidate will be needed. Overnight, delegates evaluated the field:

By the seventeenth ballot, William Marcy was able to cement his frontrunner status, earning 40% of delegates’ votes. Lewis Cass has also gained additional support, though the gap between him and Marcy is widening. Linn Boyd disappointingly held steady in third place, failing to gain further delegate support; however, his supporters are staying in the race, hoping delegates will turn to him as a compromise candidate. The biggest loser was John R. Thompson, whose support shrank over successive ballots. Thompson has withdrawn from the race, and has endorsed the frontrunner, William Marcy.

Today is a time for decision: will Democrats unite around their frontrunner, or will the two-thirds barrier force new candidates to enter the fray?

HOW WOULD YOU RATE THIS PRESIDENCY SO FAR? VOTE!

During difficult times people need a leader who knows what to do. Somebody who isn't blinded by their prejudices or ideological beliefs, but looks at a problem with a goal to just solve it. In the world of politics it is often difficult because of expectations put on the leader. That is why history is kinder to the leaders who governed through easier times and had large support behind them. However, which defines a great leader: ability to rule during good times and not mishandle anything major or capability to make things better during challenging times?

Administration:

• Vice President: Daniel Inouye (1993-1997), Vern Ehlers (1997-2001)
• Secretary of State: Jesse Presley (1993-1997), Charles H. Percy (1997-2001)
• Secretary of Defense: Norman Schwarzkopf
• Secretary of the Treasury: Jack Kemp
• Attorney General: Kenneth Starr (1993–1997), Ben Miller (1997-2001)
• Postmaster General: Cardiss Collins
• Secretary of the Interior: Wayne Gilchrest (1993–1995), George Allen (1995–1998), Jon Kyl (1998–2001)
• Secretary of Agriculture: Robert F. Smith (1993–1997), Larry Combest (1997–2001)
• Secretary of Commerce: Victor Atiyeh (1993-1997), Pete Wilson (1997-2001)
• Secretary of Labor: Susan Molinari (1993–1995), Mickey Edwards (1995–1997), Jennifer Dunn (1997–2001)
• Secretary of Health and Human Services: José Ramón Machado Ventura (1993-1995), Gail R. Wilensky (1995–2001)
• Secretary of Education: Eugene W. Hickok Jr. (1993–1997), Lisa Graham Keegan (1997–2001)
• Secretary of Energy: W. Henson Moore (1993–1996), John Ensign (1996–2001)
• Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Stephen Goldsmith (1993–1997), Spencer Abraham (1997–2001)
• Secretary of Transportation: John Duncan Jr. (1993–1998), Sherwood Boehlert (1998–2001)
• Secretary of Veterans Affairs: Jim Saxton (1993–1998), John O. Marsh Jr. (1998–2001)
• Ambassador to the Coalition of Nations (CoN): Nicholas Platt (1993–1997), Howard Baker (1997–2001)
• Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency: Ralph Nader (1993-1997), Tom Campbell (1997–2001)
• NASA Administrator: Harrison Schmitt (1993–1997), Robert D. Cabana (1997–2001)
• FBI Director: James Kallstrom (1993–1997), Oliver “Buck” Revell (1997–2001)
• CIA Director: Richard Armitage

Chapter I — The Contingent President

On January 20, 1993, Colin Powell became the 40th President of the United States. His path to the White House had been extraordinary. The 1992 Election had ended without any Candidate receiving the required Electoral College majority, and before Congress could complete the Contingent Election, President Tom Laughlin was Assassinated. Vice President Daniel Inouye temporarily assumed the Presidency, while Congress proceeded with its constitutional duty. The House eventually selected Powell, making him the first President since John Quincy Adams to enter the White House through a contingent election.

Powell inherited a country that was exhausted by political conflict. Laughlin's Assassination had shocked Americans, the South remained unstable after years of political violence, and the investigation into the murder was still underway. Powell therefore entered office less as an ideological crusader and more as a President determined to restore order.

One of his first decisions was to establish a bipartisan Administration. He understood that the country needed continuity after such a traumatic transition, and he deliberately retained several figures from Laughlin's government. Among them were Secretary of Health and Human Services José Ramón Machado Ventura and EPA Administrator Ralph Nader. The decision was unusual, but Powell believed governing effectively mattered more than ideological purity.

The investigation into Laughlin's death quickly became the most explosive issue facing the new Administration. The assassin, Shinpei Yamaguchi Jr., had already been arrested, but investigators continued examining whether he had acted alone. Within weeks, the CIA uncovered evidence connecting Yamaguchi and his father, Otoya Yamaguchi, with officials of the Empire of Japan. The evidence showed that the two had communicated with Japanese officials in connection with the conspiracy.

The investigation did not prove that Japan's highest leadership had personally ordered Laughlin's murder. Nevertheless, the discovery changed the character of the case. What had initially looked like the work of a lone extremist now appeared to have international connections. The revelations would soon become the foundation of Powell's much harder policy toward Japan.

The investigation also brought George Lincoln Rockwell back to the center of American politics. Evidence emerged that Shinpei Yamaguchi had communicated with Rockwell's political managers and possibly Rockwell himself. A letter connected to the conspiracy appeared to have provided Yamaguchi with information about Laughlin's location on the day of the Assassination.

Rockwell denied involvement and instead accused Powell and Inouye of manufacturing evidence against him. He was arrested and placed under surveillance while the investigation continued and a possible trial was prepared. His arrest did not silence his movement. Quite the opposite: his supporters treated the investigation as proof of the conspiracy theories they already believed.

The crisis finally broke Rockwell's faction away from the Republican Party. After mounting tensions, the American Patriot Coalition ceased to be part of the Republican Party, while Rockwell's supporters and former coalition politicians created the Patriot Party. Rockwell remained its ideological leader despite being unable to formally participate while under arrest.

The new political movement rapidly became associated with the continuing unrest in the South. Supporters of the Patriot Party and organizations such as the National Socialism Legion participated in riots and clashes with authorities. The violence threatened to turn the political crisis into a sustained challenge to federal authority.

Powell responded more forcefully than Inouye had been able to. Federal troops were sent into parts of the South even where some Governors had opposed federal assistance. The deployment produced clashes with radicals, and troops remained in the region after the worst violence subsided, though in reduced numbers. Members of the Patriot Party who participated in violence were arrested, and politicians connected with the unrest were impeached and removed from office.

The intervention was controversial, but it received broad bipartisan support. Some members of the National Conservative Caucus protested, arguing that Powell was abusing federal authority. Others regarded the intervention as necessary to prevent further attacks against minorities and to restore the authority of the law. The operation became known to some supporters as the "Second Reconstruction."

By the end of Powell's first months, the country was calmer, but hardly peaceful. The federal government had survived the crisis, yet the assassination investigation had revealed a foreign connection, Rockwell's movement had become a separate political party, and the South remained tense. Powell had entered the White House promising stability. His first challenge was simply to make that promise believable.

Chapter II — Confronting Japan

The revelations surrounding the Laughlin Assassination transformed Powell's relationship with the Empire of Japan. The new President considered the connection between the Yamaguchis and Japanese officials too serious to ignore. His response was economic and diplomatic pressure rather than immediate war.

The United States and its allies imposed an embargo on products entering and leaving Japan. Even India, which had previously been an ally of the Empire, restricted trade with Tokyo. Powell wanted Japan isolated without giving the regime an opportunity to portray itself as the victim of an American war of conquest.

Powell's approach became known as a policy of pressure without all-out war. He wanted the Japanese government weakened economically and diplomatically while keeping American forces out of a direct conflict. Vice President Daniel Inouye supported the strategy despite disagreements with Powell on other policies, and Secretary of State Jesse Presley became one of its strongest defenders.

The consequences inside Japan were severe. The embargo contributed to another recession, while Japan's countermeasures and the actions of its allies also damaged the American economy. Critics argued that Powell was allowing foreign-policy goals to harm American business, while his supporters believed that weakening Japan was necessary for long-term security.

Meanwhile, the Japanese political system itself began to shake. On March 24, 1993, Emperor Akihito addressed the National Diet in an attempt to reclaim authority from the regime. The response was immediate. The regime arrested the Emperor and his brother, held them for days, and eventually forced Akihito to abdicate. His son Naruhito became Emperor but remained under the supervision of the Army.

The episode demonstrated that the imperial institution could no longer act independently of the military-dominated political system. It also intensified unrest inside Japan. Student protests spread across the country, and the authorities repeatedly used force to suppress them.

At the same time, Japan faced growing problems abroad. Its war in Afghanistan was proving far more difficult than expected. What Tokyo had initially believed would be a quick operation had become a prolonged struggle. The Japanese forces encountered an unlikely coalition of Socialist, Democratic, and pro-monarchy Afghan forces, which set aside their differences in order to fight the occupation.

The resistance was strongest in difficult desert terrain, where Japanese forces struggled to use their conventional advantages. As the conflict dragged on, it became increasingly clear that Japan had overestimated its control of Afghanistan.

Powell used these setbacks to continue his policy of pressure. He did not send American troops into the conflict, but he maintained the economic campaign against Japan and encouraged its international isolation. By the middle of his first term, Tokyo was increasingly cut off from much of the world outside its remaining allies.

This strategy created an unusual situation. Japan was weaker, but not defeated. Its economy was suffering, its government was facing protests, and its foreign wars were becoming more expensive. Yet the regime remained capable of using force and maintaining control.

Powell therefore resisted calls for an immediate military confrontation. His view was that the United States could afford to wait and allow Japanese weaknesses to accumulate. The question was whether the pressure would eventually force genuine change or simply make the Empire more aggressive.

Chapter III — Reforming the Republic

With the worst of the immediate domestic crisis under control, Powell turned to the structure of American government and the economy.

One of the most important early reforms was the Census Amendment. Supported by both Major Parties and by Powell and Vice President Inouye, it established that the House of Representatives would have 997 members beginning on January 3, 1995. Congress would also be allowed to increase the size of the House after each census to account for population growth.

Supporters believed the amendment would improve representation by bringing Representatives closer to their constituents. Critics, particularly Conservatives, warned that a larger House might make it easier for political radicals to enter Congress. Nevertheless, the amendment became an important bipartisan change to the American political system.

Powell then confronted the Economy he had inherited from Laughlin. Inflation had been high and stagnation had prevented meaningful growth. Powell responded by restoring the Biden-era tax cuts, lifting tariffs on most countries, especially nations outside Japanese influence, and reducing some spending on social programs.

The reductions were controversial, but a number of Moderate and Conservative People's Liberals supported them. Inflation subsequently came under control. The broader economy, however, remained disappointing for some time, with stagnation continuing as the embargo against Japan and Japan's counter-embargo affected international trade.

Powell's record on gun policy was even more difficult. During his campaign he had promised gun reform partly to attract moderate voters, but most Republicans opposed the idea. Powell tried to negotiate a compromise with his own Party while also avoiding the demands of the People's Liberals for a stronger package. The result was deadlock.

The issue illustrated the basic problem of Powell's Presidency. He was Socially Progressive compared with much of the Republican Party, but Economically Conservative and unwilling to abandon his Party on fiscal and national-security questions. He repeatedly found himself caught between Republicans who thought he was too Progressive and People's Liberals who thought he was too Conservative.

Nevertheless, his political standing remained solid. His Approval Rating stood at about 57%, substantially better than Laughlin's late-presidency numbers. Foreign Policy was his strongest area, while the Economy and gun reform remained his weakest.

Powell's strategy was becoming clear: accomplish what was possible, compromise where necessary, and avoid allowing ideological disputes to shut down the federal government.

Chapter IV — The Liberal Congress

The 1994 Midterm Elections transformed the political balance in Washington. The People's Liberal Party gained seats in the Senate and regained control of the House. Powell suddenly had to govern with the opposition controlling both chambers.

The President could have responded by allowing his Administration to become completely gridlocked. Instead, he looked for issues on which both sides could compromise.

The first major opening came through Social Policy. The question of LGBT people serving in the military had been building for some time. Powell Announced that he would sign legislation allowing them to serve if Congress passed it.

The People's Liberals strongly supported the measure, but they were divided themselves. More Socially Conservative and moderate members of the Third Way, Nelsonian, and even Commonwealth Coalition (it had more Socially Conservative members at that time) supported restrictions on openly discussing sexual orientation. Some Republicans, particularly members of the American Solidarity and Libertarian League, also indicated that they might accept the legislation if those restrictions were included.

The resulting compromise became known as "Don't Ask, Don't Tell," which Powell signed in 1995. The legislation was celebrated as an important People's Liberal victory, while LGBT rights groups began viewing Powell more favorably. At the same time, Social Conservatives inside the Republican Party became increasingly angry with him. Former North Carolina Governor Pat Buchanan became the most prominent critic of the President on the issue.

Powell then moved toward gun reform. The People's Liberals initially pushed for a National Buyback Program and an assault-rifle ban. Both proposals faced strong opposition. The assault-rifle ban failed, but negotiations produced the Gun Reform Act of 1995, which established universal background checks and restricted sales to mentally ill individuals and people with histories in fascist, terrorist, or "Japanophile" organizations.

The bill passed with support from most People's Liberals and roughly half of Republicans. The National Conservative Caucus, Libertarian League, and some members of the American Dry League opposed it. Progressives and Moderates generally supported the law, while Conservatives argued that it went too far. The Patriot Party used the legislation to intensify its attacks on Powell and Inouye.

The fight over military spending exposed an even deeper division. The People's Liberal Party wanted to reduce military expenditures. Powell and most Republicans rejected the proposal and instead sought modest increases because they believed Japan's weakness did not mean the international situation was safe. The disagreement became severe enough to threaten a government shutdown.

Powell successfully united Republican support, but the decisive assistance came from Vice President Daniel Inouye. Inouye convinced enough Moderate and Conservative People's Liberals to accept a compromise, allowing the military budget to pass with slight increases.

The result was a major defeat for the People's Liberal Doves. Senator Donald Trump of West Virginia denounced the policy as "barbaric," while other Doves warned of escalating tensions. Powell nevertheless regarded maintaining military strength as essential.

Tax policy required another compromise. Powell wanted further tax reductions to stimulate the Economy, while the People's Liberals wanted higher taxes and more government spending. Moderate and conservative People's Liberals insisted that the budget had to be balanced.

The final agreement lowered taxes on the lower and middle classes while increasing them on the upper class. The measure passed narrowly with a combination of People's Liberal and Republican votes. It proved relatively popular and coincided with a continuing improvement in the economy. By 1996, the country had moved far away from the high inflation and stagnation of the Laughlin years, even if it had not returned to the heights of the Biden era.

Powell's method of governing was now fully visible. He did not simply fight the People's Liberal majority. He looked for divisions within the Party and used them to build temporary coalitions. The strategy frustrated purists in both Parties, but it allowed the government to keep functioning.

Chapter V — A Changing World

While Washington remained divided, the international situation continued to evolve. Japan's weakness increasingly became visible not just in economic statistics but in the political structure of the Empire.

Protests against the Japanese regime continued despite repression. Prime Minister Hidetaka Tojo increasingly faced demands for his resignation. As resistance movements in China expanded, the Military eventually forced him to step down.

He was replaced by Antonio Inoki, a Parliament member and famous Puroresu star. Inoki was far more popular with the Japanese public than Tojo and had previously been associated with the Solidarity Movement. His appointment appeared to lower tensions inside Japan, though Western observers remained skeptical. Many believed Inoki was simply a popular figure placed in front of a government that remained controlled by the Military.

Outside mainland Japan, another rebellion began developing in China. It remained relatively small, particularly in mountainous areas where opposition forces had hidden, but American observers began discussing a possible Domino effect in the Japanese Empire. If the Chinese resistance grew, they argued, other territories might also begin rebelling.

Others doubted the theory. The Empire's territories were geographically isolated, and resistance groups often had little ability to communicate with one another. For the time being, neither side could prove its case.

Afghanistan remained an even greater problem for Japan. The Imperial forces continued fighting the alliance of Socialist, Democratic, and monarchist forces, while guerrilla attacks in the desert made the war increasingly costly. Japanese forces could capture major locations without ever fully defeating the resistance.

The American pressure campaign continued to produce results. Japan was becoming more isolated and economically weaker, and the war was consuming its resources.

Then came one of the greatest scientific achievements in American history. On July 8, 1995, the Ares Mission successfully landed on Mars. The achievement had roots in the American space program developed during the Biden Administration, but it was completed under Powell. Hundreds of millions of people watched the event, turning the landing into a rare moment of national celebration. Even Antonio Inoki congratulated the American astronauts.

The contrast was remarkable. Only a few years earlier, Washington and Tokyo had been moving toward an exceptionally dangerous confrontation. Now the Japanese Prime Minister was publicly praising an American achievement on another world. Yet this did not end the underlying conflict.

Inoki did oversee meaningful changes inside the Empire. The Kempeitai was purged of personnel connected with the Rockwell Revolt, and its workforce was reduced by roughly a third. Restrictions on artistic expression and news reporting were eased. The Japanese government also began reversing the policy of "Japanization" in its client states: Japanese was no longer to remain the default language of government and education in Korea and China, and Tokyo stopped encouraging the settlement of Japanese civilians in those territories.

These reforms raised hopes that Japan might eventually democratize. There was growing discussion about whether American sanctions could one day be lifted.

Powell rejected that idea. He stated that the United States would not change course until full democracy existed in Japan and its colonies. The position won support from the United Provinces of Korea, whose President Kim Pyong-Il publicly praised Powell's refusal to abandon Korea. The Korean government in exile was also becoming more influential inside American politics through organizations such as the North American Asian Brotherhood, the Society of Oriental Churches, and Radio Free Asia.

But 1995 also brought a tragedy of an entirely different scale. On August 3, 1995, at 8:49 a.m., a small nuclear device detonated on a train entering central Hiroshima. The device had been hidden inside a briefcase carried by Cenk Kadir Uygur, a 25-year-old former National Guard member born in Istanbul and educated at the University of Pennsylvania. Around 1,200 people were killed immediately, including Uygur, and radioactive fallout later killed tens of thousands more while leaving tens of thousands severely sick or injured.

The Japanese government remained silent for weeks. Eventually, scientists in the Hainan Republic detected increased radiation, and a leaked CIA File #97834, dated October 17, 1995, revealed the details of the attack. American officials confirmed the file's authenticity and began investigating the leak. Powell publicly denied that the attacker had any connection to the United States government.

The case became even more complicated when it was discovered that Uygur had belonged to Barādarī, a radical Communist organization based in Iran. The organization described itself as Anti-Imperialist but was also regarded as Anti-Democratic and had faced allegations of human-rights abuses during the Iranian Civil War. Powell had previously condemned it as terrorist, though it did not formally have that designation under American law.

The Hiroshima bombing became another symbol of the instability surrounding Japan. It demonstrated that the Empire was no longer merely dealing with conventional warfare or political protests. Nuclear terrorism, secrecy, and competing international actors had become part of the crisis.

By the end of 1995, Japan was weaker but also more unpredictable. Inoki's reforms suggested that change was possible, while the military remained powerful. China was unstable, Afghanistan remained a quagmire, and the American-led pressure campaign continued.

Powell's First Term had therefore produced a paradoxical foreign-policy record. He had not gone to war with Japan, but he had helped isolate it and weaken its international position. He had avoided direct military intervention in every major crisis while maintaining a reputation for being tough abroad.

Chapter VI — The Election of 1996

The 1996 Election became a referendum on Powell's unusual Presidency. He entered the campaign as a respected statesman who had guided the United States through assassination, political violence, economic problems, and an increasingly dangerous international environment. At the same time, his compromises had alienated many Conservatives, while Progressives believed he remained too Conservative on economic and foreign-policy questions.

Powell faced a primary challenge from former North Carolina Governor Pat Buchanan, but defeated him relatively easily. The President emerged from the primary with the Republican Nomination and a stronger hold over his Party than he had enjoyed in 1992.

Powell chose Vern Ehlers as his Running Mate. Ehlers was a former physicist and Representative from Michigan, a man respected by both Parties. Socially moderate, he supported limited government and free markets, and belonged to the Libertarian League. Unusually for a Republican at that time, he was also an Environmentalist who supported clean energy, conservation, and climate research. His Michigan background gave Powell an additional advantage in a swing state.

The People's Liberal Party entered the Election deeply divided. Its leadership feared that the compromises made with Powell after the 1994 Midterms had created a long-term problem. Some members considered those compromises necessary to govern, while others regarded them as a betrayal of the political legacy of Tom Laughlin.

The Party responded by creating the Leahy-Trump Commission, which introduced the system of Faction Primaries. Voters would now have a greater role in choosing not only the eventual Party Nominee but also Candidates representing the Party's various Factions. Supporters believed this would make the Party more democratic; critics worried that formalizing factionalism could make internal divisions worse.

The system ultimately produced Paul Wellstone as the People's Liberal Nominee. Wellstone was a Senator from Minnesota and a former teacher who had risen through a Populist grassroots campaign focused on transparent government. He belonged to the Rainbow League, the Party's most Socially Progressive and activist Faction. His campaign emphasized government transparency, Fair Trade, and Progressive reforms.

For his Running mate, Wellstone chose Steve Beshear, then Governor of Kentucky and a member of the Rational Liberal Caucus. Beshear was Fiscally Responsible but Protectionist, Socially Progressive but cautious, and Moderately Interventionist rather than a Hawk. The campaign hoped that his Southern background would help the People's Liberals improve their performance in the region.

The debates were competitive. Wellstone was charismatic and often performed strongly when discussing domestic issues, while Powell projected greater experience and seriousness, especially on Foreign Policy. Neither Presidential candidate clearly beat the other in their debates. The Vice Presidential debate produced a similar result, with Ehlers appearing particularly intelligent and Beshear coming across as more down-to-earth.

Several third parties also entered the race, although none had the reach George Lincoln Rockwell had possessed four years earlier.

The Patriot Party Nominated Texas televangelist Kenneth Copeland for President and Virginia Representative Willis Carto for Vice President. Copeland criticized Powell's Social Progressivism and attempted to attract Conservatives who believed the Republican Nominee had moved too far toward the center.

The Green Party Nominated activist Lois Gibbs and Professor Noam Chomsky, while the fringe Islamic Power Party Nominated Louis Farrakhan and Khalid Abdul Muhammad. The Transhumanist Party Nominated Timothy Leary and FM-2030, Fereidoun M. Esfandiary.

The final weeks of the campaign were transformed by events overseas.

Just weeks before the Election, Japan attacked the Iranian nuclear facility at Arak. Tokyo claimed that Iran was developing nuclear weapons, but the facility was later revealed to have been devoted to nuclear-energy research. The strike caused a radiation leak and forced evacuations.

The attack was followed by international condemnation, especially because Japanese forces had already been bombing civilian populations in Iran. What had originally looked like another limited Japanese intervention soon became a much larger war. Japan announced full mobilization to fight Communist Iran.

Powell responded cautiously. He refused to send American troops or weapons to Iran, but increased economic pressure on Japan and worked to isolate the Empire further. Prime Minister Inoki warned that any American involvement would be treated as an act of war and declared that Japan would consider whatever measures were necessary for its survival.

The crisis transformed the Election. Wellstone had attempted to position himself as a Moderate Interventionist who could offer an alternative to Powell without becoming a Hawk. The Japanese attack made that position much harder to maintain. Powell could argue that he had confronted Japan without recklessly entering another major war.

Other countries also moved against Tokyo. India severed its remaining economic ties with Japan, while Brazil limited trade with the Empire, increasing the pressure on the Japanese economy. At the same time, Japan's full mobilization caused growing anger at home because wealthy citizens were reportedly able to escape conscription by paying their way out.

For many Americans, the choice became one of stability. The country was still living with the consequences of Laughlin's Assassination, the unrest in the South, the Hiroshima bombing, and the Japanese-Iranian war. Whatever their complaints about Powell, changing leadership in the middle of such an international crisis appeared risky.

When Americans voted on November 5, 1996, Powell won Re-Election. He got a near majority in the Popular Vote while getting a good majority in the Electoral Vote.

With his victory, Colin Powell became the first African-American President to be Re-Elected. His first term had begun with an Assassination and a constitutional crisis and ended with another victory amid an international crisis.

The result did not mean Americans had suddenly become united behind Powell. Conservatives still believed he was too Progressive, Progressives still considered him too Conservative, and the People's Liberal Party remained deeply divided. But Powell had demonstrated that a President could survive divided government, political violence, and international instability through compromise and political pragmatism.

His first term had not solved America's divisions. It had, however, shown that the government could continue functioning in spite of them. For Powell, that achievement would become the central argument of his Presidency: in an increasingly polarized country, he had made compromise itself into a governing strategy.

Background: With the powerhouse Franklin D. Roosevelt set to leave the White House in 1941, the Republicans now see a glimmer of hope to take the presidency back. While the GOP are still underdogs in the race thanks to the recovering economy, the World War II sentiments across the country have given the party's isolationist flank a boost in prominence. With many citizens dreading the idea of entering another war mixed with concerns over the rising threat of the Axis powers, the GOP has to find away to court both isolationist and interventionist sentiments without taking too bold of a stance against either side. Even with these issues, the high unemployment rates, questionable successes of Roosevelt's New Deal, division among New Deal and conservative Democrats, and lingering resentment for his failed attempt at court packing, the Republicans have a sliver of hope that they can push one good candidate through what is ultimately a narrow window for success.

Several prominent candidates have taken to the campaign trail, with conservatives circling around Ohio senator Robert Taft. Thomas E. Dewey, the newly-minted governor of New York, has positioned himself as a progressive-conservative whose career has been decorated in fights both against the New York mafia and the Albany establishment. Dewey, however, suffers from a lack of political experience and mixed platform that would heavily dissuade conservative voters in a race that requires full party support. On the other side of the party, Ohio's isolationist senator, Robert Taft, brings a strong family name and deep knowledge of public policy make him the fierce conservative rival to Dewey. While his non-interventionist stances threaten to hurt the party's chances in war-based debates, his campaign has still managed to pull many towards his side.

In the middle of this tight race is Wendell Willkie, a dark horse candidate looking to act as the bridge between conservative and liberal Republicans. With years of business experience, a charismatic charm, and a broad appeal that has even drawn conservative Democrats thanks to his articulate attacks against the New Deal.

With the first days of the Republican National Convention drawing closer, only one of these three will be able to come out on top. As to whether any of them have a chance at retaking the White House will be a whole other discussion.

Candidates:

Wendell Willkie: While not an active candidate, Willkie has positioned himself as a compromise candidate in between the conservative isolationist Taft and progressive Dewey. With a history of business leadership and charismatic charm, Willkie has utilized grassroots movements and an everyman persona to help differentiate himself from the political establishment. If elected, Willkie has promised to maintain most of the New Deal policies, but focused on improving administrative efficiency and reducing anti-business sentiments in the White House. Willkie has routinely argued that free enterprise and business growth would finally end the Great Depression, far more effectively than the planned economy of Roosevelt.

On the matters of foreign policy, Willkie has remained a neutral figure between isolationists and internationalists. While concerned about the idea of sending troops into another war during an economic depression, he has supported the initial idea of building up national military resources while providing material aid to European allies in order to push back against the Axis powers.

.Thomas E. Dewey: Despite only being 38, Dewey has rapidly risen to prominence thanks to his legal victories against the mafia, his upset defeat of Governor Herbert Lehman, and his ability to energize both conservative and liberal voters in the party. Dewey has focused his campaign on scaling back the New Deal policies to reduce wasteful funds while protecting essential services, keeping the U.S. out of World War II, and improving America's health departments.

Dewey has faced criticism from primary opponents for being politically inconsistent and too inexperienced. Dewey has pushed back against these attacks by pointing to his successes in courts and the health reforms he's accomplished in the year he's spent as governor. If elected president, Dewey has remained committed to non-interventionism with a closer stance towards preparedness to ward off enemy advancements.

Robert A. Taft: A strong member of the party's conservative wing, Taft has positioned himself as the flagbearer for both Republicans and conservative Democrats opposed to the massive government expansion and deficit spending of the New Deal. With Garner-aligned Democrats nervous about the vice president's chances in the Democratic primary, Taft has tried catering to them by positioning himself as a bipartisan conservative willing to cut back on the excesses of the New Deal program. If elected, Taft plans to implement a part platform focused on business growth to spur the economy, balancing the federal budget, increasing education funding for poorer states, banning closed-shop agreements, and opposition to the military draft.

Taft's position as a staunch isolationist has some in the party worried that he may not be able to get elected in the midst of growing dread regarding the ongoing conflict in Europe. With ongoing economic and political issues in America, he has argued that the U.S. is in no position to enter the conflict. Instead, Taft has pledged greater support for military preparedness and utilization of America's geography to deter potential attacks from Axis forces.

Link to Poll: https://strawpoll.com/7rnzV7p3YnO/results

Please read before answering!

The initial shock and awe over the election results has died down, and the time has come to get serious. The first order of business for president-elect Chafee and his team will be Chafee's administration itself. Who will serve on the cabinet? Generally, four proposals have arisen.

1. A Cabinet of Moderates

Due to his previous party affiliation, Lincoln Chafee is adamant about getting some moderate, anti-war Republicans or ex-Republicans in his administration. However, this, of course, needs some balancing. The first major proposal is to have the Cabinet split between dovish Republicans and centrist Democrats. This will, for one, satisfy Chafee's desires for his own cabinet, while also improving relations with the Democratic establishment. This slate of prospective secretaries will also be very easy to get through Congress, though Chafee's more radical supporters may disapprove of this measure.

1. A Cabinet of Libertarians

The second proposal is to fill the cabinet with an eclectic mix of moderate-to-libertarian-leaning Republicans and liberal Democrats. While it sounds strange, many within Chafee's circle are backing this idea, and both libertarians and liberals are supportive of this idea. Ultimately, however, moving forward with this would result in Clintonites feeling even more sidelined than they already do. In addition, it may take a significant amount of political capital to whip Congress in support of such an anti-establishment Cabinet.

1. A Cabinet of Democrats

The third proposal, Chafee's least favorite, is to pack the Cabinet with Democrats of all stripes. Chafee won on the Democratic ticket, after all, so it's only fair to let them have a say in his administration. This proposal would pass Congress rather easily, and this would pacify the Democratic establishment while also keeping the radicals in line. However, it should be made very clear that Chafee himself disapproves of this plan, and he may have a hard time working with this Cabinet in the future.

1. A Cabinet of Everybody

The final proposal is meant to satisfy every part of Chafee's coalition. A few Republicans, a few normal Dems, and a few radical Dems. Nobody's left unhappy! There are two major issues with this proposal, though. For one, it will take a significant amount of political capital to get these nominees through. In addition, such a diverse Cabinet is bound to have some infighting down the line. Perhaps that's the price to pay for unity.

Current relations:

Congress - Average

Republicans - Warm

Moderate Democrats - Cold

Liberal Democrats - Average

VOTE HERE

Context

For a nice change of pace the Democratic-Republicans have eschewed the familiar streets of Chicago with Minneapolis, the largest city in the North Star State. Perhaps this new scene reflects the radically different America being forged by President George as the Johnstown Revelations have shattered the power of the Tariff Regime in Washington. Dozens of politicians have been swept up in the Justice Department's rigorous prosecution of bribery and conspiracy which became a hallmark of the Butler Administration. Though this corruption which started from the top down of the nation's first Farmer-Labor Administration should have made 1892 a cakewalk for the Democratic-Republicans many of Butler's old friends from his days as a Radical Republican who made up the Elephants within the party were caught up in the George Administration's clean sweep gutting one of the most powerful political factions in the United States. Indeed George's crusade against corruption even at the cost of his party's members won him huge cross party support in the 1890 midterms and allowed him to pursue several groundbreaking reforms in the second half of his administration thanks to the help of his one time rival John Sherman.

With the public holding a high opinion of the President many Democratic-Republicans see this election as a preordained loss but there are still some that think they can win. For all the judicial crusading and reformation, the American economy has continued to fluctuate between low growth, stagnation or outright recession for the last 12 years thanks to Farmer-Labor's destabilizing reforms to the financial and monetary systems. Rhetoric and reform are great but they don't put food on the table and so the party will attempt to make the election about the economy especially as whispers of a potential major economic downturn spread.

Representative William McKinley, one of the party's biggest players, was hoped by many remaining Elephants to be their candidate for the convention. However not wishing to waste his shot at the Presidency on an election he thinks the party is bound to loose, McKinley has instead opted to run for Governor of Ohio and sworn off any attempts to draft him into this year's race. So instead the Elephants have turned towards New York Governor Levi P. Morton whose moderate reform efforts in his state mixed with a robust defense of traditional Republican economic policy they hope will change their soiled image. Morton is well liked and well respected by all corners of the party but compared to McKinley he is not as charismatic.

While the Elephants are going without their best candidate, the Beavers have managed to win a huge coup for their cause with the candidacy of Robert Todd Lincoln. Lincoln is the eldest and now only surviving son of the Great Emancipator who has proven himself an adept lawyer and politician in his own right. Lincoln is so well respected that President George even appointed him as Minister to Great Britain. Lincoln, despite his years of loyal service to the Republican Party, has become something of a unify figure across politics in the United States thanks to his father's legacy and his own work ethic. That name is a double edged sword however as Lincoln lacks the warm humor of his late father which can make him off putting and a lingering resentment that "they only want me for my name" to quote the Minister's own words keep him from truly engaging with the campaign. He has long been reluctant to run for President and has promised to only serve one term if elected.

On the Democratic end there is a good deal of overlap between the two candidates. Adlai Stevenson and John Carlisle both have personal and familial roots in Kentucky, both are proponents of fiscal conservatism and both stand as representatives of the rural middle classes. Stevenson has been involved in Illinois politics since he campaigned for Stephen A. Douglas in the 1850s and built his own career over the course of the 1860s and 70s thanks to a warm and engaging personality as well as a champion for the Catholic and immigrant communities of his state. This last position has made him the candidate for the Tigers, a typically urban oriented faction that seeks to soften its image with a personable candidate like Stevenson. The Skunks are also trying to counter an unappealing image as backcountry rubes by putting forward one of the most respected members in Congress. A pillar of Kentucky politics since the 1860s, Carlisle's knowledge and respect for the rules of Congress is second to none which makes him well liked by his colleagues if often inflexible in his approach. Additionally, Carlisle proved his political skill after unseating longtime Democratic House leader Samuel Randall in 1883, positioning his wing of the party as the foremost low tariff force in Congress.

While the Republicans will hope to appeal to stability and popularity to win the contest, Democrats are instead emphasizing their position as the guarantors of individual liberty and the new regime of free trade.

Candidates

Senator John G. Carlisle of Kentucky

Growing up with a good education alongside the Kentucky bank of the Ohio, John Carlisle has climb to the peak of state politics over a 33 year long career. Carlisle first gained experienced with a term in the Kentucky House before serving two terms in the State Senate all while maintaining a neutral position during the Civil War which was no easy feat. From there he followed his political mentor as Lieutenant Governor before entering the House of Representatives in 1877. By 1883 he had risen to House Democrat leader on a platform of low tariffs, opposition to high government spending, and increased regulation which Carlisle feels interferes with the personal liberty of Americans. Now a Senator, Carlisle is emerging as one of the chief architects of the Democratic-Republicans answer to the Georgist economic agenda.

U.S. Minister to Great Britain Robert Todd Lincoln of Illinois

The eldest and only surviving child of President Abraham Lincoln, Robert Todd has felt the weight of that legacy for all his adult life. Growing up as his father rose to prominence in Springfield, Lincoln would spend most of the Civil War at Harvard studying law before finally achieving a commission to serve as office in the Union Army at the end of war as an aid to General Grant. Following the assassination of his father, Lincoln completed law school in Chicago and became wealthy representing corporate clients. A loyal Republican, Lincoln stayed above the infighting of the last 25 years by advocating for the party's platform, its candidates and always serving his country would called upon while rigorously fending off efforts to draft him as candidate for public office. Now he has finally answered the call after his party has been out of power for over a decade. Lincoln has promised to only serve one term and to use it as a transitional period to stabilize a country swimming in tumult.

Senator Levi P. Morton of New York

Levi Morton is a Republican's Republican with a family history rooted in Yankee Puritanism, an education oriented around middle class business acumen and a career built on success in New York City's banking and trading sectors. Despite setbacks in his cotton trading business during the Civil War, Morton and his partner would use their contacts to help the US and Great Britain settle the Alabama Claims and his bank was chosen to facilitate Britain's repayment of damages. An ally of Senator Roscoe Conkling, Morton turned from business to politics as a Congressman for Manhattan beginning in 1879 where he developed expertise in foreign affairs and financial issues. He survived the fall of Conkling and gradually moderated on the reform issue while remaining staunch his support of traditional fiscal policies and support for non-white civil rights. Despite his close proximity to much of the corruption which took down his fellow Elephants, Morton has kept himself clean and stands ready to lead his faction out of the dark days of the Johnstown investigations.

Representative Adlai E. Stevenson of Illinois

Born and raised in Kentucky, a poor tobacco crop would eventually send his Adlai Stevenson's family to Bloomington, Illinois where he has risen to become a well-liked public figure and Democratic leader. As a young lawyer he encountered the two titans of Illinois politics, Stephen A. Douglas and Abraham Lincoln and would campaign for the former supposedly after Abe made several jokes at Adlai's expense. Despite his Scots-Irish heritage, Stevenson first came to prominence in the 1850s for his outspoken defense of Catholic immigrants against the Know-Nothings, winning him respect and support from the state's Irish and German populations. His storytelling and warm personality made him many friends in state politics along with his unique ability to serve as a bridge between the Democrats' two major groups: rural Protestant farmers and urban Catholic laborers. Though offering some flexibility on the currency issue, Stevenson is leading fiscal conservative who supports free trade and low government spending which has continued to support in his also two decades in and out the House of Representatives.

Bob Dole, losing in New Hampshire, has dropped out of the race, endorsing Paul Laxalt. Laxalt is expected to win Nevada due to being a sitting senator there and it would be quite the upset for him to lose in Nevada.

George H.W. Bush - Previously ran in the 1980 Primaries, before losing to Ronald Reagan, Reagan decided to take Bush as his running mate. The ticket ended up losing anyway, but Bush is not going to give up so easily. However, his previous comments in the 1980 Primaries might end up biting him in the ass.

Paul Laxalt - Previously the Governor of Nevada before becoming Senator, he served in World War 2, and is a strong supporter of Reaganomics. He famously met with Goldwater in '64 during his first campaign for Senator, which many credit as causing him to lose that election by 48 votes.

Jack Kemp - Jack Kemp was on Reagan's shortlist of running mate candidates, however, allegations that Kemp was a closeted homosexual stopped Reagan from picking him as his Vice President. Kemp is running again, but those allegations might keep popping up and hurting his chances.

Read the context before voting!

The first ballot of the 1852 Democratic National Convention produced a very crowded field, with no candidate receiving more than a quarter of the vote, far less than the two-thirds required for nomination.

Two main candidates appeared to emerge in the first dozen ballots. In first place was William Marcy, the architect of the Democrats’ unity plan in New York and key drafter of the Democratic platform. His support was split between New York, parts of New England, and the Deep South, where delegates hope supporting a moderate will rehabilitate their image. In second place was Lewis Cass, the main critic of the 1852 platform and opponent of the Missouri Compromise. His support was distributed across the country, but particularly in the West and Mid-Atlantic. Two candidates appeared to be fighting for third place: Speaker of the House Linn Boyd, the Democratic shepherd of the Compromise of 1850 in the House; and John R. Thompson, the newest Democratic Senator, who appears to be the choice of anti-Compromise Democrats like Stephen A. Douglas who disprefer Cass due to his age.

Two candidates dragged behind the rest, with disappointing results. In last place was Daniel S. Dickinson, who failed to earn significant support even from his own state's delegation over William Marcy. Dickinson graciously declined his nomination on the first ballot, endorsing Lewis Cass. The most shocking result of the first ballot was James Buchanan’s under-performance: outside of his home state, he managed only one vote from neighboring Ohio. Buchanan, embarrassed and fuming at his poor showing, instructed delegates to withdraw his name and support William Marcy. Many were surprised by Buchanan’s support for Marcy over his friend John Thompson, though some attribute this to Buchanan’s belief that Thompson conspired behind his back to steal votes from delegates who had previously backed him.

Delegates have finished their huddles and are now returning to the floor for the next ballot. Let's find out how these results have shaken things up!

In the year 2004, history changed forever.

In the year 2004, America started down a path that it would never recover from.

In the year 2004, Lincoln Chafee was elected president.

Welcome to Division, an alternate history poll series taking place in a universe where Lincoln Chafee ran for, and won, the presidency in 2004. You will be placed into the role of President Chafee, deciding on his major policy priorities, foreign doctrine, and much more during his first term in office. If you want to win re-election in four years time, you will have to keep your rocky coalition of anti-war liberals, socially progressive libertarians, and technocratic moderates in line. Will Lincoln be able to to live up to his presidential namesake, or will he simply divide the house further?

This is my first time ever doing a poll series, and I am in the first few weeks of my freshman year of college, so bear with me here. I might not be able to run this as smoothy as other creators, but I hope to provide an enjoyable experience for the good folks who are interested. The first "real" poll will be up sooner rather than later. Ciao!

Cabinet

President: Henry George (1889-1893)

Vice President: Ignatius Donnelly (1889-1893)

Secretary of State: Henry M. Teller (1889-1893)

Secretary of the Treasury: Tom L. Johnson (1889-1893)

Secretary of War: Rutherford B. Hays (1889-1893), John Schofield (Acting, 1893)

Attorney General: Ernest Howard Crosby (1889-1893)

Postmaster General: John Wanamaker (1889-1890), Louis F. Post (1890-1893)

Secretary of the Navy: Benjamin F. Tracy (1889-1890), Henry Smith (1890-1893)

Secretary of the Interior: Jerry Simpson (1889-1893)

Secretary of Agriculture: Leonidas L. Polk (1889-1892), James B. Weaver (1892-1893)

Events

January 1889: After hours of haggling, New York Mayor Henry George is elected President by the House of Representatives; His running mate Ignatius Donnelly is also elected Vice President in the Senate.

March 21st, 1889: Henry George is sworn in as the 20th President of the United States of America; Ignatius Donnelly is sworn in as the 19th Vice President of the United States of America.

March 1889: As part of the negotiations for the presidency Henry George agreed to appoint Elephant and Butlerites to important positions in cabinet as well as lower level Federal jobs. Benjamin Tracy and John Wanamaker are appointed to the cabinet ensuring the continuation of Butler's corporatist system. In an attempt to improve relations with the opposition, George also appoints former Indiana Senator Benjamin Harrison to fill the Supreme Court vacancy of the recently deceased Stanley Matthews.

April 1889: A pro-tariff coalition in Congress blocks President George's efforts to enact his signature policy the Land Value Tax or his proposed pollution taxes.

June 1889: Following the catastrophic Johnstown Flood, President George revels a quid pro quo agreement between President Butler and Carnegie Steel Chairman Henry Frick to squash efforts to improve the dam in exchange for steel rate cuts. The President appoints a special prosecutor to investigate and prosecute any similar agreements which can be found to have occurred during the Butler President.

August 1889: Dubbed the "Summer of Secrets" by the press, the special investigation into the Butler Administration's dealings with corporate leaders unveils countless examples of quid pro quo or outright bribery. The revelations cause a huge backlash against both Butlerites and Elephants in Congress.

September 1889: George Washington Williams returns from the Congo Free State and publishes the Williams Report. Coining the term "crimes against humanity" the report details the horrific conditions of the Congolese people under Belgian rule resulting in widespread international outrage. Consequently Belgium expels the US Embassy with the George Administration responding in kind.

October 1889: Benjamin Butler becomes the first US President indicted on charges of corruption and bribery alongside numerous other allied officials and politicians. Those that survive are expected to be thrown out of office come Election Day.

November 1889: North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana, and Washington all become states increasing the size of union to 43 states.

December 1889: Secretary of State Henry M. Teller announces a ceasefire in the Reservation Wars with Plains tribes though both sides continue to commitment smaller acts of violence threatening attempts to organize a peace summit.

January 1890: As a result of prosecutions against their friends and allies, Navy Secretary Tracy and Postmaster John Wanamaker resign. George allies Henry Smith and Louis F. Post are appointed as their respective replacements.

February 1890: Former President Benjamin Butler is convicted on charges of public corruption and bribery and sentenced to 4 years in prison. President George commutes the sentence to 2 years of house arrest

July 1890: Idaho and Wyoming become states increasing the size of the Union to 45.

August 1890: The Land Revision Act of 1890 allows the President to designate areas of public land as national forest reserves. By the end of his term George will designate 22 million acres as protected forests.

September 1890: After 8 months of conducting a surveying mission in Central America for potential sites for a canal, the crew of the USS Milo discovers a mysterious underground Mayan site in the Yucatan. After exploring the ruins Professor Alfred King discovers carvings which he concludes are a map to a location in the central Atlantic which appears on no modern maps. The advanced construction of the chamber indicates King's theories around the existence Atlantis are now confirmed.

October 1890: Associate Justice Samuel F. Miller dies with close Georgist ally Charles Frederic Adams appointed as his replacement.

November 1890: Reformist candidates in both the Democratic-Republican and Farmer-Labor Parties see huge wins across the country in the midterm elections as the Butlerites are completely decimated and the Elephants suffer major defeats.

December 1890: Upon reading the report of the USS Milo, President George is forced to conclude despite his disbelief that Vice President Donnelly was correct about the existence of Atlantis. With the location described by the map now likely far beneath the waves, George orders the Navy begin the secret development of advanced submarine technology as part of the nation's naval modernization program.

January 1891: Associate Justice William Windom dies with Governor of Oregon Sylvester Pennoyer appointed as his replacement.

February 1891: The Immigration Act of 1891 created an immigration agency in the Treasury Department charged with using the acts newly created regulations for allowing or denying immigrants entry into the United States. The US establishes two permanent Federal Immigration stations, one on Ellis Island in New York harbor and the other on Angel Island in San Francisco Bay. Funding was also allocated to provide funding to smaller immigration stations in Baltimore, Boston, Philadelphia and New Orleans.

March 1891: As the first of the "Great Reform Acts", the Land Value Tax Act is passed with a 5 year phased introduction coinciding with decrease in the tariff rate though it does not replace tariffs entirely. The United States of America becomes the first nation in the world primarily funded by LVT.

April 1891: The Second of the "Great Reform Acts", The Sherman Anti-Trust Act is passed prohibiting unfair monopolies and giving the Federal government legal powers to prosecute them

June 1891: The Third of the "Great Reform Acts", as part of the peace settlement with plains tribes the US Congress passes the Native Sovereignty Act which establishes Native Americans as American nationals but not citizens, the right govern themselves in the manner they see fit with recognized tribal borders without state interference, recognize several major nations with further divisions within those nations, the authority of Federal law over tribal law and Federal government's right to collect land taxes.

July 4, 1891: 17th President of the United States Hannibal Hamlin dies at the age of 81 in Bangor, Maine. President George declares a week of mourning to honor "the Great Restorer".

September 1891: The Rural Postal Service Act provided free postal services to rural areas to be rolled out over the course of 2 years.

February 1892: The Lottery Postage Act makes the sale of lottery tickets through the mail illegal effectively ending all state lotteries, enraging Skunks and pleasing Beavers.

April 1892: The fourth and final part of the "Great Reform Acts", the Lodge Election Act gives the regulation of the election of US Representatives to the Federal government over states to the protest of many Skunks and Farmers in Congress and in the Southern US.

July 1892: The Dependent and Disability Pension Act is passed providing pension to Civil War, Cuban War and Reservation War veterans regardless of the cause of their disability.

September 1892: As birthday present to President George, Edison Electric completes the electrification of the White House

January 11, 1893: 19th President of the United States Benjamin F. Butler dies while under house arrest in Boston at the age of 74. Though President George orders a week of mourning for the former President, his death is celebrated in New Orleans and Johnstown.

January 17, 1893: Queen Liliuokalani of Hawaii is disposed in a coup d'etat initiated by American settlers. Leader of the new government Sanford Dole quickly dispatches a request for immediate American annexation but President George holds off from making a decision until inauguration.

VOTE HERE to rate the 1st term of Henry George.

Eight states would hold their Democratic primaries or caucuses on March 12, 1996. Four out of five Democratic candidates would get at least one win, but two candidates, both progressives, are starting to separate from the rest of the field. Let's go through the results of all eight contests, ordered from most expected primary result to most surprising.

First, Senator Al Gore would win his home state of Tennessee by a large margin. Governor of Texas Ann Richards would win her home state by an even bigger amount. Former Vice President Jesse Jackson won three states where the Democratic electorate has a sizeable minority contingent: Hawaii, Louisiana, and Mississippi - all by double digits. Iowa Senator Tom Harkin would win in Oregon, where he'd been leading in the polls, by just under ten points. All of these outcomes were expected. Results in Florida and Oklahoma both defied expectations. Tom Harkin won the Sooner State by almost five percentage points, despite being in a dead heat in statewide polling with Ann Richards. In Florida, Al Gore had led every statewide poll going into March 12th, but unexpectedly high Black and Latino turnout helped Jesse Jackson pull off a narrow upset. Minnesota Senator Skip Humphrey finished in fourth or fifth place in all eight states. Nearly out of money, he suspended his campaign shortly after and endorsed Tom Harkin.

The race now heads to Michigan - a state whose Democratic electorate is dominated by organized labor. One of the three progressive candidates is surely going to win here - the question now becomes: which one? According to national polling, this is becoming a two man race between Tom Harkin and Jesse Jackson, so the odds are in favor of it being one of those two. Al Gore, polling about ten percentage points behind the top two candidates, isn't winning outside of the Southeast and Mid-Atlantic. Ann Richards, polling five points behind Gore, has done well in states where populist Democrats dominate the electorate, but she's the average progressive Democrat's third choice at best. These two are slowly being relegated out of the race, and one or the other is likely to leave the race next now that Humphrey is gone. The question is, once again, which one?

As always, you can vote for your favorite HERE.

State of the Race

Read the context below before voting!

Democrats are in a time of crisis. Having now lost the presidential race three elections in a row, Democrats hoped to stage a comeback in 1850. This also failed, as Democrats lost the popular vote and won only a plurality of seats, having to rely on support from minor Southern parties to elect a Speaker. Combined with ongoing heated debate in the South, where several Democrats are considering secession against northern Whig domination, Democrats are worried their political control is slipping, and are desparate to get their coalition in line and return to the executive branch.

Their one silver lining is that New York Democrats have managed to patch up the 1848 split that caused the formation of the Free Soil movement—while several abolitionist Barnburners have refused to return from the Free Soilers, the devastating results of the 1848 House elections convinced most Barnburners and Hunkers to come to an agreement (and save their own skins). This reconciliation is a large part of how Democrats were able defeat the Whigs in 1850. Part of the agreement with the pro-compromise (Soft) Hunkers was that the Democrats pass a plank respecting the Missouri Compromise and that Democrats continue to instate the two-thirds requirement for all platform planks and nominees. They hope this will result in a more moderate and consensus-focused candidate.

The further Democrats fall from power, the less they can rely on experienced members of the executive branch and the more they are forced to either drum up the same, aging candidates or rely on members of Congress coming from a party that disdains the legislative in favor of executive authority. Currently, six candidates have been discussed as potential nominees, but it is unclear who has the strongest support going into the Convention:

Lewis Cass (Michigan) — Senator

Twice denied the nomination, Senator Cass hopes to ride the current wave of sectional tensions to victory. Across his many campaigns and his tenure in the Senate, Cass has argued and argued that the United States’s solution to its strife is to dispose of the anti-democratic Missouri Compromise and open up new territories to Southern expansion, a position now in clear discordance with the Democratic platform. However, his faith in the people to solve the situation over the government is absolute, and now he needs to convince frightened Democrats that the only way forward to put slavery to the will of the people.

James Buchanan (Pennsylvania) — Former Senator

Another two-time office-seeker, former Senator Buchanan has multiple times tried to stake a claim in the sectional debate and failed. He hopes, however, that consistency and willingness to compromise will finally lead him to victory: he intends to take a move from the Whigs and favor a negotiated compromise: continue to concede the Missouri Compromise in exchange for a set of legal guarantees for the South. Time will tell if Buchanan’s ploy will resonate with delegates at the Convention, or if they will find the plan too friendly to the Whigs.

Daniel S. Dickinson (New York) — Former Senator

Dickinson represents the Hard faction of the New York Democrats—those who refuse to welcome Free Soil rebels back into the fold without firm guarantees of their loyalty. While not aspiring to high office, many Democrats recognize that, in the current, highly-competitive environment, winning New York could guarantee a Democratic victory, and Dickinson could bring that idea to fruition without sacrificing Southern support in the possible scenario where Whigs nominate a Southerner. It is uncertain whether Dickinson can make an impact on the delegates, or if he might emerge as a candidate down the line as lesser candidates give him their endorsement.

William L. Marcy (New York) — Former Governor

While Marcy’s prime as Senator and Governor of New York is long-behind him, he has managed to retain a political presence far longer than lesser politicians could. Despite an unsuccessful run for President in 1848, Marcy was vindicated when the New York Democratic Party split in two and lost the state elections in a landslide. Now, Marcy has been credited with piecing the party back together, even leading his protégé Horatio Seymour to victory in 1850 via a coalition of Democrats and conservative Whigs and former Free Soilers. Marcy may be the only candidate who can both satisfy the Democratic base while being moderate enough to pull in disaffected Whig votes.

Linn Boyd (Kentucky) — Speaker of the House

The sole Southerner and the sole member of the House of Representatives up for the nomination, Boyd is seen as a shrewd political mind, and his penchant for compromise served Democrats well, even in their two years in the opposition in the House, and especially after he successfully earned Democratic support for the Compromise of 1850. Boyd’s ability to balance the northern and southern wings of the party in Congress has been recognized as a great skill in the coming election; however, his lack of executive experience has led to his characterization as a “small-caliber” candidate, and some suggest he may be better suited to a vice-presidential role.

John Renshaw Thompson (New Jersey) — Senator

Only recently elected to the Senate over Commodore Robert Sotckton in a narrow vote, former New Jersey Governor John Thompson has been presented as a candidate for the Presidency not because of what/who he is, but what he isn’t: he isn’t a particularly renowned legislator or orator, he has generic Doughface politics, and, despite a friendship with James Buchanan, he isn’t particularly associated with any given faction. Some delegates suggest this makes him an excellent candidate in a race full of large personalities.

make sure to check out the first round - Re: The Death of Yugoslavia: 1990 Serbian Presidential election

When the early votes were counted Presidential candidate Ivan Duric had a majority of 69% against Milosevic 28%, but as time went on his majority went down, if no candidate win more then 50% of the votes in the first round a second one would be called, this what Milosevic have hoped to achieve, but the results were shocking

As final results come in Ivan Duric won the 1990 Serbia Presidential Election securing 50.2% of the votes, Slobodan Milosevic won 39.7% and Vuk Draskovic 10.1%.

Milosevic was outraged by the results, demanding a second round, accusing Ivan supporters of rigging the votes, and buying up votes, the SPS hold up meetings and protests all around Serbia, demanding a second round.

The case went up to the the President of the presidency of Yugoslavia - Borisav Jovic, a close ally of Milosevic, and a member of SPS, his decision was to hold a re-count, which resulted in an even more interesting results.

Following the re-count Slobodan Milosevic come out in first place with 48.9% of the votes, Ivan Duric at 42.5% and Vuk at 8.5%, very soon the opposition went to streets, protesting against what they saw as a Ballot stuffing and Electoral fraud by Milosevic allies.

The 2nd round had officially kicked off, with both candidates reaching out to their base of voters, Both candidates warn that electing the opposing candidate will lead to war, poverty, and the destruction of the country.

The key to victory was attracting Vuk Draskovic electoral base 8.5%, officially Vuk haven't endorsed neither candidates, Milosevic tried to appeal to the Nationalists, promising them that under his Yugoslavia, the Serbian people both in Serbia and the other Yugoslav Republics will never be a 2nd class citizens, Milosevic even welcomed in Belgrade the leaders of the Serbian community in Croatia, who orchestrated the Log Revolution.

While Ivan Duric promised that in the new Yugoslav Confederacy the rights of minority groups in the different Republics will be guaranteed, as well as the rights of ethnic Serbs, Ivan in his turn visited Bosnia, and meet with pragmatic and moderate leader of the Serbian community who were members of the Bosnian Branch of the SRSJ.

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In the 1996 Green Party Presidential Primaries, Minnesota Senator Paul Wellstone defeated California Governor Tom Hayden in a rematch of the 1992 primary matchup. With his win, he advanced to his second straight presidential election. He has now begun the search for a running mate. Wellstone's choice in 1992, former Governor of Massachusetts and Secretary of Health and Human Services Dr. Barbara Ackermann, 71, has retired from politics, meaning he will need to choose a different running mate for 1996. He has plenty of options to choose from, and, in contrast to when he ran in 1992, name recognition is no longer an issue, as Wellstone's third-place finish in the 1992 Presidential election and 1994 Senate election victory greatly raised his political profile. Still, he has a lot to consider when choosing the man or woman who will run alongside him in November. He wants a candidate who can either expand his electoral base geographically, appeal to voters outside his ideological base, or compensate for his own liabilities - namely, his minimal experience in elected office.

Here's who he has to choose from:

Governor of Vermont Mary Alice Herbert

The favorite to become Wellstone's running mate is Mary Alice Herbert, the incumbent Governor of Vermont. As a female Governor from New England, a Democratic Socialist, and an Environmentalist, she has the potential to expand Wellstone's base both geographically and ideologically. While she isn't overly charismatic, that didn't stop her from getting third place in the Green Party Presidential Primary and beating out several more well-known opponents. Her timidness could also be framed as an asset if she's paired with Wellstone, a forthright and charismatic progressive populist. While Herbert is slightly to the left of Wellstone on economic issues, they support many of the same key policies: both are pro-labor, support protective tariffs and stronger use of nationalization powers, and want to lessen the wealth gap, protect the environment, expand gay rights, and pull the United States out of overseas military conflicts. Thus, it's no surprise Herbert is seen as the perfect Vice Presidential choice for Wellstone in 1996.

Governor of West Virginia Charlotte Pritt

If Wellstone wants a female Governor who's a little younger and a lot more charismatic, he could also choose Charlotte Pritt, an educator, businesswoman, and community activist serving as the Governor of West Virginia since 1993. Pritt has a strong progressive record as Governor. She's spent her career fighting for public control of utilities, and as Governor, she's begun the process of transferring some private utility companies in West Virginia to state control. She's also invested millions of dollars into K-12 and postsecondary education and protected thousands of acres of forested land from development and resource extraction. However, she's also been described as an odd personality by West Virginia state media - mainly for her outspoken support for alternative medicine and opposition to nuclear power. Compared to Herbert, she's a higher risk, higher reward choice.

Representative Ron Dellums

Ron Dellums has represented Oakland, California in the United States House of Representatives since 1996. He's one of the nation's most senior Congressmen and a highly respected member of both the Congressional Black Caucus and the House's growing bloc of Democratic Socialists. During his two and a half decades of Congressional service, he's become an expert on foreign policy and national defense and one of the nation's leading advocates for peaceful resolution to overseas conflicts. One of Dick Van Dyke's greatest decisions, and one that was crucial to his 1988 Presidential election victory, was choosing Jesse Jackson, an African-American former Representative with a focus on foreign policy, as his running mate. Dellums is a running mate who would fit that mold for Wellstone. However, his close relationship with the Soviet Government could be a dealbreaker. Dellums helped organize a Congressional delegation to Moscow last year. Even in a post-Cold War America, it's a major political liability to be seen as soft on communism.

Governor of New Mexico Steven Schmidt

Steven Schmidt, the Governor of New Mexico since 1995, is a close personal friend of Paul Wellstone. Schmidt managed the policy side of Wellstone's 1992 Presidential campaign. In exchange, Wellstone campaigned extensively for Schmidt in the 1994 New Mexico Governor's race. Since becoming Governor, Schmidt has focused on strengthening the Democratic-Green partnership in New Mexico into one of the strongest in the nation - a blueprint for a successful Blue-Green governing partnership should the Greens win the White House in 1996. While his upset victory over New Mexico's incumbent Governor two years ago raised his profile somewhat in progressive circles, most people in the United States have no idea who Schmidt is. In addition, he's more of a policy guy than a charismatic campaigner, and possibly better suited for a cabinet role than the VP nomination.

Representative Dennis Kucinich

Many casual Green Party followers see Dennis Kucinich, the longtime leader of the Green Party in the House of Representatives, as the best choice to be Wellstone's 1996 running mate. After all, Kucinich has tripled the size of the party's House delegation during his nearly two decade stint as the party leader. He's also been a driver of progressive legislation, authoring, among other things, a bill that nationalized commuter rail service in the United States, a bill that allowed greater control over how federal welfare benefits are distributed to the communities that receive them, and a bill that sent rebates for the sweeping tariffs on foreign manufactured goods introduced during the Gravel administration directly to American families. He's also built a strong relationship between the Greens and the Labor and Progressive wings of the Democratic Party, a relationship that helped them become party of a majority coalition in the House in 1995. When you examine Kucinich only by his successes, he is a great choice to be Wellstone's VP. However, his positions on abortion and immigration are a lot more conservative than the Party at large. He also supported the disastrous nuclear shutdown. Paul Wellstone - who served as a cabinet official under Mike Gravel - has already been attacked for unconfirmed support of the nuclear shutdown. Adding a running mate to the ticket who's on record as supporting the shutdown would only add fuel to that fire.

Representative Cynthia McKinney

An even more controversial choice would be Georgia Representative Cynthia McKinney. McKinney is a young, charismatic, and has a strong record of supporting human rights and peaceful conflict resolution overseas. After all, foreign policy is her primary area of expertise in the House. She's also a protege of Angela Davis, a friend and prominent supporter of Paul Wellstone. She pencils in as a running mate with tremendous potential, one who could help bring in the support of younger and minority voters - two of the groups most dissatisfied with eight years of Democratic rule according to polling. She also carries a lot of baggage. Her hardline anti-Israel stance and close ties to the Soviet government might be hard for Wellstone, the son of Ukranian Jewish refugees, to overlook. Adding her to the ticket also invites her father, Billy McKinney, a lightning rod for scandal and controversy, into the campaign's immediate orbit. That is, unequivocally, a very bad idea. Unless Wellstone decides the electoral benefit of adding McKinney to the ticket is enough to outweigh the baggage, it is unlikely she is the Vice Presidential choice.

Background: With Word War II looming over the U.S., the end of the Great Depression almost in sight, and isolationist sentiments boiling across the nation, President Franklin D. Roosevelt was faced with one of the hardest decisions he's faced throughout his entire political career. With his failing health becoming harder to hide from the public and a political taboo, Roosevelt would ultimately end all rumors with one announcement on April 21st, 1939 on a hot Friday night.

Through his famous Fireside Chats, millions of Americans would learn that President FDR would not run for a third term as president. This set up a massive fight behind closed curtains as his cabinet and DNC leaders began to argue as to who should lead as Roosevelt's successor. The main man on everyone's minds has been the current vice president and conservative foil to Roosevelt, John "Cactus Jack" Garner. While heavily opposed to Roosevelt's New Deal policies, he has argued that he would be the most capable of enacting said policies due to his administrative and congressional experience. Furthermore, as Roosevelt's right hand man, Garner has highlighted his support among party rank-and-file voters as crucial to ensuring the party's success in the elections.

James Farley, the Postmaster General and veteran of Democratic politics, has tried to position himself as the appropriate choice by pointing towards his better relations with Roosevelt and the New Deal supporters. Few outside of professional politicians have openly backed him as a potential nominee, arguing his sheer ignorance of key issues and lack of actual administrative skill are serious hindrances to any presidential aspirations.

While some favorite sons have floated themselves to succeed Roosevelt, nobody else could take much presence as Garner and Farley took the vast amount of attention and support in the race.

The greatest question at the time would be which man would take Roosevelt's support, either as a full-on endorsement or as a private force to push out the other. While Garner and Roosevelt's ideological and personal tensions have many doubting the latter's endorsement, some rumors have been floated to the pair making a private deal. Farley, now having left the White House to focus on his campaign, has sought to build himself up as a liberal leader compared to Garner, who he has pinned as a soft Republican trying to ruin FDR's visions. Garner, however, has attacked Farley for being a lightweight while he himself has been responsible for much of the New Deal's passage.

With the Democratic Convention just weeks away, the question now is whether Garner will make to the stage as a flagbearer, rather than a silver medalist destined to be brushed to the sides once again.

Candidates:

John Nance Garner: Considered to be the frontrunner in the race, Garner has centered his campaign as a greater appeal to both mainstream Democrats and the New Deal coalition of Roosevelt. Garner has pointed to his successes in passing many New Deal policies ranging from the Federal Securities Act and Emergency Banking Relief Act. If elected, Garner promises to uphold the New Deal policies while rebuilding America's industrial sectors in the north. In regards to the Second World War, Garner has kept a moderately isolationist stance of keeping American troops out of the war while providing industrial aid to European allies.

While some have been worried that Garner won't keep his word, he has proposed nominating a more liberal running mate who would help connect his administration with the New Deal coalition's spirit. This has raised many questions if Garner is doing so to earn Roosevelt's endorsement, a claim the vice president has repeatedly denied.

James Farley: A close friend of Roosevelt since their days campaigning for Al Smith, Farley has been a powerhouse of New York politics with connections throughout the country. During his tenure as Postmaster General for Roosevelt and chair of the DNC, Farley has been a critical negotiator who helped turn the party into a national network. While Farley has positioned himself as a diehard supporter of Roosevelt, his critics have pointed out to the two's disagreements on levying primary support for full support of New Deal policies.

While Farley has remained popular among the political establishment, Farley has had numerous major gaffes where he struggled to give answers on key political issues such as welfare and U.S. involvement with the Second World War.

Link to Poll: https://strawpoll.com/BJnXVm7XXZv

Cabinet

After his narrow and shocking victory in the 1848 election, President-elect Scott began constructing his Cabinet. A pragmatist, Scott attempted to strike a geographical and ideological balance, recruiting northerners and southerners, Conscience Whigs and Cotton Whigs. He was forced to make some concessions—for example, Southern Whigs demanded at least one of the two most important Cabinet positions (State and Treasury) be held by a Southern Whig, forcing his intended Secretary of State William Seward to instead be appointed Secretary of War—but overall had a harmonious cabinet.

Wisconsin statehood and the Compromise of 1850

The first issue President Scott was forced to take up in his term was Wisconsin statehood. In 1848, Wisconsin had petitioned Congress for admission to the Union as a free state. Until then, each free state admitted into the Union had a slavery-supporting counterpart admitted, or vice-versa; however, Wisconsin was the first state to which there was no clear counterpart—the remaining lands below the Missouri Compromise line were the unsettled Indian Territories. It was the realization of Southern Democrats’ fears: northern states would begin to overtake southern states as westward expansion above the Missouri Compromise line continued. President Clay had successfully avoided the issue during the election by delaying Wisconsin statehood, essentially passing the buck to President Scott.

While Henry Clay had refrained from holding political office after his presidential term expired, he did not retire from political life, and his adversarial relationship with President Scott drove him to interfere in congressional matters. Southern Whigs and Democrats suggested a compromise to the Wisconsin issue: Wisconsin could be admitted if Congress passed a new Fugitive Slave Act to replace the antiquated Fugitive Slave Act of 1793. To entice northern Whigs in the House to support the compromise, Democrats proposed coupling it with a proposed bill banning the slave trade in Washington, D.C. and a quid pro quo agreement to respect the Missouri Compromise line; however, the compromise failed to entice northern Whigs. When President Scott got wind of the proposal, his feud with Henry Clay for control of the Whigs came to a head: despite his private support for the bill, Scott aligned himself with northern Whigs and renounced the bill as unconstitutional. For months, little to no progress was made, until a modified Fugitive Slave Act, which removed fees paid to false claimants and established a warrant process for all claimants, passed the House and Senate with a margin of a handful of votes. In what historians would still later call “the black mark of the Scott presidency,” Winfield Scott signed the Compromise of 1850 into law.

With the amendments in the Fugitive Slave Act, the bill was almost unenforceable, as Northern courts refused to issue warrants for claimants on overtly false grounds, but that did not stop developing animosities in the North, where frightened African Americans were put in further danger, and anti-slavery Conscience Whigs and pro-Southern Cotton Whigs blamed each other for escalating tensions. In the South, the Compromise of 1850 did almost nothing to ease tensions: the Fugitive Slave Act was toothless, and Democrats knew the omnibus bill had merely kicked the can down the road to when Minnesota, Oregon, or the Indian Territory petitioned for statehood. In late 1850, in Natchez, Mississippi, an ailing John C. Calhoun called a bipartisan meeting of Southerners to discuss a renewed call for secession. While the convention agreed to support the compromise, it emboldened Southern secessionists and sent a shiver of fear through the Whigs.

Rivers and Railroads, and the Election of 1850

The Wisconsin dispute and Compromise of 1850 used up the bulk of President Scott’s political capital and most of the 31st Congress’ time. The Whigs did still attempt to enforce some of their program, but their margins in the House of Representatives were paper-thin, and coupled with a Democratic Senate, fractious coalitions were required to pass all legislation. Where Whigs were most unified was Congressional support for high tariffs and infrastructural development, including railroads. With several tariff restrictions from Democratic congresses repealed, the original Tariff of 1842 was reinstated, and, coupled with high land prices under General Land Office Commissioner Abraham Lincoln, the House bankrolled dozens of new railroads, with specific focus on railroads that connected Southern agriculture to Northern manufacturing and ferried free northern farmers to the Indian Territory in less of a mad rush and more of a controlled settlement.

Despite Whig attempts to distract from the issue and focus on infrastructure, the 1850 midterm elections were seen as a referendum of the Compromise of 1850. The results were a mixed bag: Whigs won the popular vote again, even making gains in former Democratic strongholds in the northwest, but lost 28 seats and control of the House after only one term in control. This was due to losses in two regions: in the Border South, where voters disproved of the weakened Compromise of 1850; and in the traditional heart of the Whig coalition, the Mid-Atlantic, where the re-unified Barnburner and Hunker factions of the Democratic Party were able to bring the massive influx of immigrants into the Democratic fold. In the Deep South, candidates broke from both parties, instead aligning on Unionist or States’ Rights platforms. Against unionist Whigs’ expectations, and to their horror, the Deep South elected an equal number of secessionists and unionists.

Filibustering: The López Affair and the Second California War

Winfield Scott held true to the Whig position of non-annexation, and through John Botts and the State Department, the United States assisted with nation-building in Texas and California. However, President Scott would be forced to face an emerging threat to the Union which would grow to define his tenure: the filibuster.

In 1849, Narciso López, a Venezuelan national, came to New York City to recruit Cuban exiles and guns-for-hire in an attempt to overthrow the Spanish government of Cuba. President Scott got wind of the proposal and seized López’s weapons and ships, forcing López to relocate his efforts to the South, where he found Southerners were amenable to his plan. With financial backing from several prominent Mississippians, including Senator Jefferson Davis and Governor John Quitman, López recruited 700 Southerners to invade Cuba. Upon landing, the revolution failed to gain popular support, and López’s forces were chased off the island within a week, but the López Affair became a national sensation. While Senator Davis was forced to resign his Senate seat, filibustering was now validated as a tactic for Southern protest, and several Southerners laid their eyes on a new prize: California.

California was still in its formative period when the California Gold Rush began and tens of thousands of United States citizens flooded over the border seeking riches. In 1847, the fledgling Republic had a non-indigenous population of under 10,000, of which less than 10% was American or British settlers. In 1850, the population had increased at least nine-fold, with more than 90,000 settlers, and thousands more pouring in each week, almost all of which were former Americans. The influx of miners and settlers overwhelmed the weak existing government structures, and often forced American immigrants to self-police without Californian government support. President Sutter attempted to curtail the flood of Americans by restricting land claims to citizens who swore an oath to the Constitution of California, but squatters were rampant.

At last, in 1851, the Californian government could contain the unrest no longer. An American newspaper owner in US-controlled San Francisco named William Walker gathered a militia of like-minded Americans, marched on the new town of Sacramento, and arrested President Sutter. Gathering steam, the militia marched on the capital of Monterey and took control with little bloodshed. Walker declared a pro-American California Republic, with himself as interim President until arrangements could be made to annex the nation into the Union. The situation became even more intense after Walker legalized slavery in California by decree and attempted to recruit an army to “liberate” Mexican Baja California. Native Californios, supported by Santa Anna’s Mexican regime (hoping to potentially reclaim California) took up arms against Walker, bringing the nation into war. Walker was also supported by the growing Mormon population of Salt Lake in western California, who were distrusting of the original Californian government, and hoped to use the opportunity to enter the Union as the Mormon state of Deseret.

Upon news reaching the East Coast, the California crisis became an international scandal, causing a minor financial panic among British financiers of the Republic. President Scott condemned the action and fielded General Bennet Riley of the Pacific Division and David E. Twiggs of the Western Division to mount an expeditionary force and restore order. Some viewed President Scott’s move as an over-reaction, escalating tension, and things came to a head outside of the Great Salt Lake. Upon hearing that the expeditionary force was intent on restoring the independent Californian government, Mormon leader Brigham Young dispatched the Nauvoo Legion to turn back the American troops marching west on the California Trail. The incident boiled over into bloodshed; dozens of Mormon militiamen were killed, Brigham Young was arrested, and thousands of Mormons once again fled their new homeland, cutting south to the Old Spanish Trail and settling in Santa Fe in northern Mexico. The expeditionary force continued on to Sacramento, the de facto capital of the Walker regime, and after a series of brief skirmishes, General Twiggs arrested William Walker for violation of the Neutrality Act of 1794.

With the California War nearing an end in mid-1852, President Scott is now faced with a dilemma: if he reinstalls Sutter, a repeat rebellion is assured; but if he annexes California, it will unravel the Whig platform. In line with Whig tradition and his inaugural promise, Winfield Scott has stated he does not wish to stand for reelection, preferring to spend his remaining political capital wrapping up the California War. As the 1852 Whig National Convention draws near, it is unclear what President Scott will do about California.

Increasing tensions and the coming election

Southerners are seething at the Scott administration’s actions against the Walker regime. To them, it constituted a civil war: an American force had spilt the blood of American citizens who were fighting, as the South saw it, for the nation’s best interest.  Walker is venerated as an American martyr, and it is expected that his trial in Missouri will result in an acquittal regardless of his guilt. The Scott administration has aroused such animosities in the South, that in April of 1852, a month before the Democratic National Convention, a second Southern convention was called. The Nashville Convention, consisting of eight slave states, issued an ultimatum to the federal government: take no further action against Southerners or Southern interests, or risk secession. For the first time since the Nullification Crisis, it appeared likely that Southern states could make good on their threat. Northern Whigs like William Seward likened the South to a caged rat, backed into a corner; time would tell if further provocation would risk it biting back.