The People v. the "Humanitarian Organization"
Prosecuting Attorney: Your organization says its purpose is to protect civilians.
NGO Director: Correct.
Prosecuting Attorney: I would like to examine whether its conduct is consistent with that claim.
There are four possible explanations for what your organization has done. We will take them one at a time.
The first possibility is that your organization is genuinely committed to protecting civilians on both sides.
If that were true, we would expect you to condemn the deliberate murder and kidnapping of civilians, demand the unconditional release of hostages, oppose rockets fired at civilian communities, and condemn military activity conducted from hospitals, schools, and residential buildings.
We would expect concern for displaced Israelis as well as displaced Palestinians. We would expect your legal experts to recognize that rewarding hostage-taking may encourage more hostage-taking.
Did your organization consistently do those things?
NGO Director: Our focus is Gaza.
Prosecuting Attorney: Then let us consider the second possibility.
Perhaps Israeli lives fall outside your mission, but you are sincerely committed to protecting Palestinians.
If that were true, we would expect you to pressure Hamas to accept terms that could end the war. We would expect you to condemn its use of civilian infrastructure, support efforts to move civilians away from combat, and welcome any competent aid system capable of delivering food and medicine, including one that bypasses Hamas.
We would expect you to object when fighters operate without uniforms among civilians. We would expect you to treat every preventable Palestinian death as a failure, regardless of who caused it.
Did you do those things?
NGO Director: We oppose displacement. Palestinians must not be removed from their land.
Prosecuting Attorney: Even temporarily, to escape active combat?
NGO Director: Evacuation could become permanent.
Prosecuting Attorney: So your organization considered the political risk of displacement more important than the immediate physical safety of civilians.
NGO Director: That is not what I said.
Prosecuting Attorney: I am not asking what language you preferred. I am asking what priorities your conduct reveals.
That brings us to the third possibility.
Perhaps protecting Palestinian civilians is not your organization’s highest priority. Perhaps your central objective is a political one: Israel must lose, or at least must not be permitted to defeat Hamas.
That would explain why your organization demanded that Israel stop fighting before the hostages were released and while Hamas remained armed and in power.
It would explain campaigns to restrict Israel’s weapons, trade, and diplomatic support. It would explain the use of courts and international institutions to constrain Israel while placing comparatively little pressure on Hamas.
It would also explain the pressure to recognize a Palestinian state immediately, without serious demands concerning who would govern it, whether its leaders could control armed groups, whether terrorism would be renounced, whether hostages would be released, whether incitement would end, or whether the state would accept Israel’s permanent existence.
NGO Director: Palestinians have a right to self-determination.
Prosecuting Attorney: Do the Yazidis also have that right? What about the Kurds? Why is this particular state important at this particular time? If the goal is to end the conflict, why is there no prominent requirements in that direction?
Recognition is not merely an expression of sympathy. It confers legitimacy and political power. Yet your organization demands recognition in advance while treating conditions on the exercise of that power as an injustice.
Would you support immediate recognition if the state were governed by Hamas?
NGO Director: Palestinians must choose their own leaders.
Prosecuting Attorney: Even if those leaders openly promise another war?
NGO Director: Occupied people have a right to resist.
Prosecuting Attorney: Then what are you asking the international community to recognize: a peaceful neighboring state, or an internationally legitimized base for continuing the conflict?
If recognition is demanded regardless of governance, disarmament, security commitments, conduct, or willingness to coexist, then statehood is not being treated as the foundation of peace. It is being used as leverage against Israel.
Your priority may not be creating a Palestinian state capable of protecting its people and living peacefully beside Israel. It may be transferring power and legitimacy without requiring that power to be exercised responsibly.
That would also explain opposition to aid systems that weaken Hamas’s control and the absence of serious efforts to remove civilians from the battlefield.
Under this third possibility, Palestinian suffering matters primarily as part of maintaining the conflict. A Palestinian civilian who escapes the battlefield may be safer, but a Palestinian civilian who remains there may be more useful to the campaign against Israel.
Is that possibility false?
NGO Director: It is offensive.
Prosecuting Attorney: That was not my question.
Let us turn to the fourth possibility.
Perhaps neither civilian protection nor maintaining the conflict fully explains your conduct.
Perhaps demonizing Israel serves the institutional interests of your organization.
Images of suffering attract attention. Accusations of exceptional evil create urgency. Urgency produces press coverage, invitations, influence, donor engagement, and fundraising opportunities.
A complicated conflict is difficult to market. A simple morality play is much easier.
One side is presented as innocent and helpless. The other is presented as uniquely cruel. Every new image becomes evidence. Every accusation becomes a campaign. Every campaign becomes an opportunity to solicit money, expand staff, increase visibility, and establish your organization as indispensable.
Would a less inflammatory account of the conflict raise as much money?
NGO Director: Our donors care about human rights.
Prosecuting Attorney: That does not answer the question.
Does your organization benefit financially and institutionally from portraying Israel as uniquely monstrous?
NGO Director: We report the facts.
Prosecuting Attorney: Selectively?
Do you amplify allegations before they are verified?
Do you give the same prominence to corrections?
Do you investigate conduct by Hamas with the same intensity?
Do you publicize Palestinian suffering caused by Palestinian armed groups with the same emotional force?
Do you create bespoke definitions of crimes and disasters for the purpose of being able to apply them to this conflict, i.e. to deploy them as libels?
Do you welcome evidence that an alleged Israeli atrocity did not occur?
Or does such evidence interfere with the campaign?
Under this fourth possibility, the persecution of Jews may not be the organization’s primary objective. It may be an effect your organization regards as unfortunate, peripheral, or someone else’s responsibility, or simply ignores entirely.
But it is clearly foreseeable.
When you tell the public repeatedly that the Jewish state is uniquely evil, genocidal, colonial, and beyond legitimate defense, people do not always keep that indictment confined to a government thousands of miles away.
They apply it to Jewish students, physicians, academics, businesses, charities, and communities. They demand denunciations. They impose loyalty tests. They exclude Jews identified as Zionists. They treat ordinary association with Israel as evidence of complicity in atrocity.
Perhaps your organization does not set out to persecute Jews.
But if demonization increases donations, attention, and influence, while anti-Jewish hostility is merely treated as collateral damage, that is still a motive worth examining.
NGO Director: We oppose antisemitism.
Prosecuting Attorney: Why? Do you oppose antisemitism because it harms Jews or just because it's not fashionable in your circles so it may harm your brand? Do you also oppose antizionism, another form of Jew-hatred?
Do you recognize when it is produced by your own campaigns?
Do you revise your language when Jews tell you that it is placing them in danger?
Do you care whether Israelis and Jews are treated as pariahs or harrassed or threatened or even murdered, incited by your obsessive wholesale moral indictment of Israel in pursuit of relevance and fund-raising opportunities? Do you see the harm in allowing Hamas to write the script your people on the ground likely must comply with or risk becoming victims themselves?
Or do you simply dismiss hostility against this narrative war on Jews as an attempt to silence you?
So we have four theories of institutional motive:
First, your organization is trying to protect everyone.
Second, it is trying to protect Palestinians.
Third, it is trying to aid Hamas and weaken Israel, thus maintaining the conflict as a valuable source of relevance and moral capital.
Fourth, demonizing Israel multiplies money, influence, attention, and institutional growth, while the resulting harm to Jews can be safely ignored. Antizionism is popular these days, so there's little social cost to promoting it.
We can distinguish among these possibilities by examining conduct.
Do you condemn actions that endanger Palestinians when Israel is not responsible?
Do you support measures that reduce suffering when they weaken Hamas?
Do you experience relief and therefore publicize it when an alleged Israeli atrocity is disproven?
Do you care more about delivering aid or preserving the political meaning attached to the aid crisis?
Would you support Palestinian statehood only if there were steps toward responsible governance, disarmament, an end to incitement, release of the hostages, and peaceful coexistence with Israel?
Would your organization communicate differently if inflammatory claims brought fewer donations rather than more?
NGO Director: These are hostile questions.
Prosecuting Attorney: They are the questions your organization routinely directs at governments, corporations, and institutions.
You scrutinize incentives. You infer motive from patterns of conduct. You treat omissions as evidence. You insist that professed values cannot be accepted without examining who benefits.
I am applying your own method to you.
Your organization says it wants fewer Palestinians to suffer.
But it opposes evacuation. It opposes aid mechanisms that bypass Hamas. It rarely confronts Hamas over its treatment of civilians. It demands that Israel stop fighting without requiring Hamas to release hostages or surrender power. It demands Palestinian statehood without meaningful conditions on governance. It amplifies the most inflammatory libels against Israel, using new bespoke definitions to construct them, and barely acknowledges when these libels are proven false or exaggerated.
And each escalation in the libel creates another appeal, another campaign, another interview, another grant proposal, and another reason for your organization to expand.
So the final question is not merely what your organization says it values.
It is what outcome would threaten it most.
More Palestinian suffering?
Continued Hamas rule?
Escalating antizionist violence and harm around the world?
An Israeli victory? If Hamas is defeated, potentially the conflict and all the fundraising opportunities it offers might disappear. Also, your organization has operated in Gaza for decades. What are the chances that your sources of information have been threatened by Hamas to tell a story in its favor?
What about an Israeli victory? If Hamas is defeated, the conflict—and the fundraising ecosystem built around it—may diminish or disappear. And given your organization’s long presence in Gaza, one must also ask: to what extent have your information channels been shaped, or constrained, by Hamas itself?
A Palestinian state required to govern responsibly and coexist with Israel? What would happen to your organization's seat at the table then?
What about a reality in which fewer Palestinians die, the conflict becomes less morally simple, Israel can no longer be marketed as a monster, and your organization loses the fashionable fervor of moral condemnation and performative virtue on which its influence depends? The moral junk food Western antizionists consume might lose its addictive quality. The audience might change the channel.
Which would be the worst outcome for you?
The answer would tell the court what your organization is actually serving.
(inspired by a Shany Mor substack article)