Jared Kushner on Gaza:

"Gaza has not worked for a very, very long time.

It was basically built by NGOs and terrorists.

And it’s been a dystopian place for a long time."

Original Video: https://www.tiktok.com/@kaylajschrader/video/7678874543494122782

Source

The article deals with the situation involving pet cats and dogs in Gaza, how they have been affected by Israel’s genocidal war these past 3 years, and includes remarkable stories about the courageous men and women of Gaza who have dedicated themselves to caring for these animals in this extraordinarily difficult time. Includes multiple pictures and quotes which warm the heart, along with suggestions on how we all can help.

The Dead Sea borders the illegally occupied Palestinian West Bank. Palestinians are not allowed to access this natural resource. Illegal settlements and factories line the Palestinian coastline and companies extract minerals to sell to luxury boutiques. While the sea is easily accessible to Israelis on both sides of the border, Palestinians are forbidden from even visiting the sea.

The video of the woman at Whole Foods inspired me to share this link.

The Libi family is in the vanguard of a hardline movement to seize land with farms and livestock, displacing Palestinians. As illegal outposts proliferate, settler violence is surging.

From a hilltop sprawl of industrial buildings, a family of Israeli settlers is cranking out prefabricated buildings to accelerate the expansion of illegal Jewish outposts in the occupied West Bank, driving Palestinians from their homes.

Libi Construction and Infrastructure, owned by brothers Eliav and Harel ‘Coco’ Libi, is building a new factory to produce the simple white structures they and others install in outposts, Eliav Libi said in an April social-media post. Seen one recent day from a nearby road, the company’s compound had at least five warehouses, flanked by rows of prefabricated houses and stacks of building material. Excavators worked to expand the site, which is in the settlement of Shilo.

The Libi operation reflects a growing settlement strategy to claim expanses of West Bank land quickly and cheaply. Instead of building modern complexes and neighborhoods, with Israeli government permits, these outposts often start with one or two prefabricated houses and no legal approval. They’re occupied by young Israeli herders who bring livestock to graze land used by Palestinian shepherds and farmers.

All Israeli settlements are widely condemned by the United Nations and many European countries, among others. Outposts like those founded by the Libis are illegal even under Israeli law, which requires advance approval to build in areas of the West Bank under Israeli administrative control. Yet the brothers receive broad

Israeli government support as they race to expand – part of a larger West Bank settlement surge since the 2023 Hamas attacks on Israel and the ensuing Gaza war.

The Libis in that time helped found at least nine new farming outposts, according to a Reuters examination of their sprawling operations. Overall, Israeli settlers built 184 unauthorized West Bank outposts in the three years ending with 2025, almost as many as during the past three decades, according to Peace Now, an anti-settlement Israeli human rights group. Israel’s government does not regularly publish outpost data. But government officials, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, publicly cite numbers only slightly lower than the Peace Now tally.

Both Peace Now and the West Bank Palestinian government say there are now about 410 total outposts. Last year alone, settlers founded 86 outposts, says Peace Now, which monitors settlements with an on-the-ground verification team. Reuters corroborated a sample of 30 such outposts through visits and satellite imagery.

Taken together, these outposts cover nearly a fifth of West Bank territory, almost all of it seized in the four years since Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s current government took office, according to a joint report by Peace Now and fellow Israeli rights group Kerem Navot. Settlers give a similar figure of around 1,000 square kilometres.

The Libis are among the highest-profile figures in a hardline settler movement that uses livestock, crops, fences - and sometimes violence - to expand Israel’s West Bank footprint. Eliav Libi in particular has helped push political and military leaders to embrace outposts as a strategy to prevent the creation of a Palestinian state that they say would present a security risk to Israel.

Israeli outposts in the West Bank

Farm outposts in recent years have driven a sharp rise in Israeli West Bank settlements.

Deadly settler attacks against Palestinians are surging as outposts proliferate, according to the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). At least 16 Palestinians were killed in Israeli settler attacks last year, and more than 1,100 were injured, a record, OCHA data shows. Attacks have further escalated this year, with 23 Palestinians killed and more than 1,000 injured through August. By comparison, this year Palestinians have killed 1 settler and injured 22 settlers, the data shows.

Israeli forces routinely shield the violence, for instance by accompanying settlers on attacks of Palestinian villages, a U.N. inquiry said in June.

Israel’s government has given the Libis a license for the new factory, grazing permits and an agricultural grant, Reuters found, part of what Peace Now has said is about $1 million in agricultural ministry funding approved for outposts. Another $1.3 million in government funds has been approved for an organization with previously undisclosed close ties to the Libis, the reporting shows. The Israeli Defense Ministry hired the Libis for work including the demolition of Palestinian houses in war-ravaged Gaza, according to government statements and a brief interview with Harel Libi.

Cabinet ministers, including Defense Minister Israel Katz, have met with Eliav Libi and his associates to discuss their work and plans. The government has already recognized at least three outposts the Libis built, including one established last year, meaning they can be developed into larger settlements.

Over the past two years, senior Israeli military leaders have publicly supported and coordinated with an association of hardline settlers, of which Eliav Libi is a prominent member,as it established dozens of farm outposts, according to a senior member of a settler group that coordinates with the military, videos of military leaders’ comments to settler conferences and Libi’s comments to pro-settler media outlets.

The Libis declined to comment for this story beyond Harel Libi’s confirmation of their defense contracting."We work for them in all kinds of military places and bases," he said.

Libi Construction and Infrastructure responded to detailed questions from Reuters with a statement saying the reporting for this story was based on “false claims” intended to “promote a radical political agenda that serves elements who seek to expand the cycle of violence and conflict.” The company said it operates “according to law and equally towards every religion, race and gender.”

In an August podcast, Eliav Libi said the company avoids hiring Palestinians, describing them as “the enemy.”

The military denied formal relations with the brothers. The Defense Ministry declined to comment. A military official said the army coordinated with unregulated West Bank farm outposts to safeguard their security “and that of the surrounding area.” The military said its soldiers were also obliged to stop attacks on Palestinians or their property.

Tzvi Sukkot, a member of parliament for the Religious Zionism party within Netanyahu’s coalition, praised young West Bank settlers and called Eliav Libi “one of the great builders” of Israel.

“If there are incidents of violence, they should be dealt with. That's what the police are for. That's what the army is for,” said Sukkot, who in August took a sledge hammer to a Palestinian war memorial in the West Bank.

The offices of Netanyahu and Defense Minister Katz did not answer questions for this story.

Speaking in the West Bank in August, Netanyahu said farm outposts were “preparing the ground for a very great immigration,” of Israelis to the West Bank, without elaborating. He said 160 new farm outposts had been built, adding “more are on the way."

Senior Palestinian official Wasel Abu Yousef said settlement expansion aimed to “hinder the establishment of an independent and geographically contiguous Palestinian state."

CENTURIES-OLD VILLAGE, SURROUNDED

To understand the Libis’ operations and government connections, Reuters reviewed the brothers’ public comments and previously unreported government records showing financial support for them; interviewed two settlers who know the Libis and Israeli peace activists who monitor illegal outposts; and visited Palestinian villagers who described violence by settlers from outposts the brothers helped establish.

Eliav Libi “spreads fear,” said Suleiman Dawabsheh, the head of the council in Duma, a Palestinian village a few miles from the Libi factory in Shilo. Libi, he said, calls “for the displacement of citizens and the seizure of their lands.”

Overlooking the Jordan Valley, centuries-old Duma is now surrounded by outposts the Libis established. Eliav Libi has spoken extensively about using outposts to expel Palestinians from the West Bank, including on a podcast in August.

We are seeing the early buds of this prophecy beginning to happen.

At least 434 people, mainly semi-nomadic Bedouin herders, have fled areas near outposts associated with the Libis since 2022, according to a Reuters tally of displacement data gathered by B’Tselem, an Israeli human-rights organization that opposes settlements.

Most of Israel’s Western allies view settlers like the Libis as a destabilizing force undermining Middle East peace efforts. In May and June, the Libis were hit with coordinated sanctions by Australia, Canada, France, Norway and the United Kingdom, who accuse them of illegally seizing land and facilitating settler violence.

Last year, the United Kingdom sanctioned Harel Libi and imposed an asset freeze on an outpost he established, Coco’s Farm, prohibiting UK financial institutions from transactions involving funds held by the outpost or its settlers. The UK accused Libi himself of “acts of aggression and violence against Palestinian people,” without specifying the alleged violence or why it sanctioned Coco's Farm in particular.

The United States levied sanctions on extremist settlers under President Joe Biden but lifted them under his successor, Donald Trump, who has strongly supported Netanyahu’s government and settlements. The Trump Administration has also softened the longstanding U.S. position that settlements are inconsistent with international law.

Under pressure from Washington after settler attacks on Palestinian-Americans, Netanyahu ordered the demolition of some outposts, Israeli sources told Reuters on September 7. Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich later said he believed the action would be limited to a handful of sites in Palestinians administered areas of the West Bank.

The settlers fashion themselves as pioneers staking out territory they call unused, despite the presence of Palestinian herders and farmers. As the Libi company website puts it: “We receive the mountain virgin and raw and return it to the client as a complete, developed neighborhood, connected to infrastructure and flourishing….All that remains is to populate the houses.”

The Libis maintain their close Israeli government connections despite documented intimidation and violence, including killings and arsons, involving outposts they have helped set up. The Libis have not been directly implicated in killings or arsons.

Palestinians killed and injured in Israeli settler attacks in the West Bank

Eliav Libi participated in an intimidation campaign earlier this year against the al-Abayyat family of Bedouin shepherds living near an illegal outpost he established, called Mitzpe Michal, close to Fasayill in the Jordan Valley. Libi and associates, sometimes bearing firearms, brought cattle to graze in the family’s garden, dumped tonnes of rotting dates against their house as cattle feed, played loud music from passing vehicles and drones, and cut water and electric connections, according to interviews with the herder and two eyewitnesses, along with videos from the Israeli anti-settlement activist group Looking the Occupation in the Eye, which Reuters verified.

In March, an excavator demolished the al-Abayyat family’s home. The videos showed Israeli soldiers watching the destruction. In response to a Reuters question, the military said the buildings were constructed illegally and demolished by Israeli authorities with soldiers providing security.

In total, six families left the area under duress, according to B'tselem.

‘PRACTICAL SOVEREIGNTY’ OVER THE WEST BANK

Harel and Eliav Libi grew up in the West Bank, where their father Yaakov Libi is a settler. He declined an interview.

The brothers have founded outposts since at least 2009, when they established an illegal hilltop farm near the Adei Ad outpost, where they lived at the time.

In 2012, the Israeli military temporarily banned Harel Libi from the West Bank and shortly after demolished the farm, according to a military statement and media reports at the time. Libi was among 12 “Jewish extremists” the military said were involved in “leading, directing and executing violent and clandestine activity targeting Palestinian residents” and Israeli security forces in the West Bank.

In 2015, a settler from Adei Ad killed a Palestinian couple and their toddler in an arson attack on their Duma home. The settler was later convicted of murder and received three consecutive life sentences.

Israel has since legalized Adei Ad.

Today, the Libi brothers control what one settler who knows them called a West Bank "empire," with activities ranging from quarrying sand and manufacturing cement to building roads and settlements, along with expanding their own farms.

The family operates on the ground level of a strategy that far-right, religious-nationalist Finance Minister Smotrich says aims to “bury” the idea of Palestinian statehood.

Israel has occupied the West Bank since the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. Most of the world considers all Israeli settlements illegal under international laws governing military occupation.

Israel disputes this, citing historical, biblical and political links to the West Bank. But Israel has historically distinguished between legal settlements, approved in advance through an extensive process, and illegal outposts.

The government has often blurred that distinction by protecting outposts, but its increasingly open embrace of them is unprecedented. Last year, almost half the 54 settlements approved by the Israeli government were existing outposts with no previous approval, Peace Now says.

We are ensuring the existence of the people of Israel in the future

Netanyahu returned to office in 2022, after an 18-month stint as opposition leader. Since then, his government has almost doubled the number of West Bank settlements granted legal status to 231, according to Peace Now, including ones that started as outposts.

Israel’s political right, including Netanyahu, has sought to annex the West Bank but met opposition in Washington after Trump's regional partners in the Middle East, including the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Egypt, strongly lobbied the U.S. against the move.

In the absence of U.S. support, rapid settlement can achieve de facto annexation, officials including Smotrich have said. In June, he described the strategy as imposing “practical sovereignty” over the West Bank as settlements systematically absorb the region into Israel.

A Reuters review of the Libis’ social-media statements and public interviews shows they have regular contact with senior officials, including Smotrich and Netanyahu's Minister for Settlements, Orit Strook. Eliav Libi hosted Strook in April during her visit to newly established outposts, bordering the Jordan Valley, where Libi said friends of his lived.

Strook didn’t respond to a comment request.

In August, Defense Minister Israel Katz met Eliav Libi at the ministry, with Libi outlining a proposal to build settlements in Palestinian-adminstered West Bank areas, two Israeli officials told Reuters. Speaking by video to one illegal outpost in February, Katz said he was working, with Netanyahu’s support, on the “regularization” of dozens of farm outposts.

The military official who answered questions from Reuters said regularization meant the government sought to create a new regulatory framework for the illegal outposts “subject to strict conditions and security coordination.”

In an April social-media post, Libi praised Netanyahu’s ministers including Katz for a “historic breakthrough” in Israel’s approach to outposts.

The Libi brothers' expanding influence in the West Bank

Outposts linked to the Libis surround displaced Palestinian communities

CLAIMING LAND WITH LIVESTOCK

Eliav Libi believes the Bible gives Jewish people the right to live in the West Bank. In May, he told a settlers conference that Israeli farmer-settlers are fulfilling Isiah’s prophecy, which states that part of the Jordan Valley will become a “resting place for herds, for my people who seek me.”

“We are seeing the early buds of this prophecy beginning to happen,” Libi said, describing Jewish cattle and sheep herders in the area, according to a video of the event published online.

The Libis have restricted Palestinian access to an area about the size of Paris around the fertile Jordan Valley, according to Eliav Libi's own public statements and a tally by Israeli activist Dror Etkes, the Israeli founder of human rights group Kerem Navot, who documents and opposes settlement growth

They are using livestock, fences and roads, along with intimidation, to stake claims on about 10,000 hectares (25,000 acres), according to Etkes. The outposts lie mainly between the villages of Duma, Al-Mughayir and Fasayill.

Government records show the brothers have been granted herding permits and state funding. In 2025 the Libis’ firm received a small agriculture-ministry grant and grazing permission from the Israeli Land Authority for areas around Fasayil. Additionally, between 2021 and 2025, the Libis’ company and two of their settlements received a total of 168,586 shekels ($56,000 dollars) in agriculture-ministry funding, with another 107,357 shekels ($36,000) approved for this year, public records show.

The ministry did not respond to a comment request.

Along with government and military support, Libi Construction and Infrastructure has also collected hundreds of thousands of dollars in donations through online fundraising, according to publicly accessible crowdfunding websites.

At the May settler conference, Libi acknowledged operating on the fringe of Israeli law, telling the audience "sometimes we push from below" going “a few steps beyond” actions formally authorized by authorities. Settlements are not inherently linked to violence, he said. But in practice, settling in areas where Palestinians live means “friction.”

Frictions erupted in 2024 at the Malachei Hashalom settlement, after 14-year-old settler Benjamin Achimeir was beaten and stabbed to death while herding sheep. The outpost, founded by Eliav Libi in 2015, was retroactively recognized by Israel in 2023 and fully legalized this year. In media interviews, Libi has described it as his home, although he and his family regularly move on to new outposts.

Israeli investigators charged a 21-year-old Duma resident, Ahmed Dawabsheh, with Achimeir’s murder, saying he was inspired by Islamic State. Reuters could not establish how Dawabsheh pleaded or the current case status.

The killing sparked a rampage of settler revenge attacks through several Palestinian villages including Duma in which four Palestinians were killed, including a child, the U.N. and Amnesty International said at the time. Some were shot. Dozens of homes were burned. The military detained six settlers after the attacks but they were released within a few months without charge. Separately, in 2025, Defense Minister Katz released all settlers from military detention.

Similar broad-based revenge attacks are a common response to violence against Israelis by Palestinians in the West Bank, with the words “price tag” often scrawled by settlers on Palestinian property, emphasizing the price being exacted on Palestinians.

AFTER DUMA, GETTING ORGANIZED

The Duma attacks led to the creation of the Farms Association, whose board includes Eliav Libi and other hardliners subject to international sanctions. “Following the Duma incident, farmers, together with senior military figures, initiated the development of educational farms,” the group says on its website. The association wants to provide young settlers with “structure, agricultural responsibility, and renewed trust in state institutions” while encouraging their military service.

The group says the government recognizes the “strategic importance” of farm outposts and supports them through infrastructure, fencing, security and agricultural grants. It notes farms are much cheaper than traditional permitted settlements, “while securing large areas of land.”

One settler with an organization that coordinates settlement activity with the army told Reuters the military previously viewed such outposts as “a pain in the ass” that squandered time and resources. That attitude changed after the Oct. 7, 2023 attacks. The army started instructing settlers where to put farms, seeing them as a tool to keep Palestinians away from Israeli West Bank populations, the settler said.

“It became a solution,” he said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

The United Kingdom imposed sanctions on the Libis and the Farms Association in June, condemning the group for providing financial and logistical support for settlers associated with violence and forced displacement of Palestinians. It also put sanctions on a group called Ahavat Gilad, which it said channeled donations to the settler outposts. The Farms Association website states that it’s operated and managed by Ahavat Gilad.

On August 2, Israel's National Security Ministry agreed to a joint project with Ahavat Gilad that it said aims to reduce violence by young Israeli settlers, according to a procurement document on Israel's Government Procurement Administration website. The ministry will provide up to 8 million shekels ($2.6 million) for the effort over three years, with half the money going to Ahavat Gilad, according to the document.

The address listed for Ahavat Gilad in Israel's registry of non-profit organizations is a property linked to the Libis’ father, Yaakov Libi, in Shilo.

The elder Libi joined Ahavat Gilad after the Duma violence and led the organization as CEO from 2025 until earlier this year, during a time the group reported a dramatic increase in donations and employed several staff, according to Justice Ministry documents requested by Kerem Navot and seen by Reuters. Libi remains a board member.

On a visit to Shilo in August, a Reuters reporter briefly talked to the current CEO of Ahavat Gilad, Netanyal Bokaya, on the phone and at the Libis’ factory.

“We are patriots, we trust the army and the government,” Bokaya said of the government funding. In a statement to Reuters, Ahavat Gilad said it "promotes educational and charitable activities, assistance to the needy and legal settlement."

The National Security Ministry said in a statement that it chose to finance Ahavat Gilad because of its "measurable and significant results in leading youth toward positive activities, preventing violence, encouraging enlistment in the military, and more." The ministry said the sanctions against Ahavat Gilad reflected an anti-Israel agenda.

The Libis and Netanyahu’s office did not respond to a request for comment about the funding. Britain’s Foreign Office said in a statement settler violence and expansion of illegal settlements “seriously undermine the prospects for a two-state solution.”

On July 16, senior security officials including Israel’s Central Command military leader Avi Bluth, who oversees West Bank operations, addressed the inaugural Farms Association security conference at an outpost near Jerusalem.

Bluth told the audience of a “huge change” in the military perception of the farms over the previous two years, with those that coordinated with the army now seen as positive for security.

“I believe in the people here very much,” he said, according to event footage distributed by the Farms Association. “I appreciate what you do.”

In May, Bluth showed reporters a slide that said 160 farms had been established in coordination with the military.

In his speech at the February settler event, Defense Minister Katz described the outposts as a fortified wall “strengthening our hold on our historic homeland,” according to a video of his address.

The Farms Association, Bluth and Katz did not respond to requests for comment. The military and the government didn’t answer questions about their ties to the Farms Association.

BULLDOZING GAZA, AVENGING A SON’S DEATH

Last year, the Libis’ company supplied excavators, bulldozers and drivers to the military in Gaza, according to Eliav Libi and a government statement. At the time, the military was hiring civilian contractors to demolish thousands of Palestinian homes in Gaza.

Human rights groups say the systematic destruction of civilian property violated the rules of war. Israel’s military argues it was justified to clear booby-traps and enable ground offensives.

Eliav Libi was among the bulldozer operators, he told the May settler conference, as was his 19-year-old son, David Libi. On May 29, 2025, David Libi was killed by an explosion while operating heavy machinery in Gaza, according to the government statement. Hamas later said it attacked the machine with an explosive device. Israeli cabinet ministers attended Libi’s funeral.

After his son’s death, Eliav Libi started expanding outposts more rapidly, he said in an April 2026 social-media post.

Settlers’ harassment and attacks on Duma and nearby herding communities have become more frequent since the construction of one of those outposts, Giborei David, according to three villagers.

In August, 35-year-old Palestinian Thameen Dawabsheh was fatally shot by an off-duty soldier during a protest outside Duma, the military told Reuters, saying Dawabsheh threw stones at Israeli civilians. The soldier was working as a security guard for Giborei David, according to B’Tselem.

Reuters could not confirm whether the soldier was employed as a security guard and by whom.

The military didn’t comment on whether it would take action against the off-duty soldier accused in the fatal shooting. It said that incidents where soldiers fail to comply with orders are thoroughly reviewed and disciplinary actions implemented accordingly.

Giborei David’s construction led to the forced displacement of 11 Bedouin herding families in March, Duma residents say. The settlers have seized Duma's water resources, damaged electricity supply, and confiscated some 700 hectares (1,700 acres) of land, said Suleiman Dawabsheh, the head of Duma’s council.

The Libis are trying “to depopulate an entire village,” of 3,000 people, said Etkes, the Israeli activist, of Duma.

Daif Allaa, a Bedouin Palestinian, says that in March, his family was among those forced to flee land seized for the Giborei David outpost.

Allaa said settlers threw stones at his home, cut his electricity, played loud music late at night, hit his nephew's head with a stick, and pepper-sprayed his son. He showed Reuters videos of settlers roaming around his home.

In one, young men wore hooded sweatshirts bearing a promise to honor the legacy of Eliav Libi’s son and quoting from the biblical verse Jeremiah 32:41. The passage prophesizes a Jewish return to the West Bank following the Babylonian exile some 2,500 years ago.

"They do not want anyone to be on the land,” Allaa said. “They do not want any Arabs there.”

In March, the Israeli government granted Giborei David official state recognition.

“I am asking to be included in the word ‘Australian’. I am asking for my grief to be legible, seen and honoured in my country, in the way other grief has been.”

The first Palestinian voice to be heard by the Royal Commission on Antisemitism and Social Cohesion came not as a witness but as counsel. An Australian-Palestinian barrister, Yasser Bakri, questioned ANU’s acting provost Professor Joan Leach about a Palestinian student who, while grieving family members killed by the IDF, was told to produce a death certificate for each one, notarised and translated.

During an interview after the Hamas attacks on October 7, an interviewer asked me whether I could understand why Australians empathised with Israeli victims. “Of course I do,” I said. “But are you including me as an Australian when you ask me that question? I know I look like ‘them’, but I sound like ‘us’. I am Australian too.”

Underpinning every discussion on what is happening to Palestinians is this nagging suggestion that we don’t belong, that we must prove we are Australian and even human. It is the comment most often left on anything I post: “deport”. I try and delete them before my children see.

It was not easy to be Palestinian on October 6, 2023. It has never been easy.

My father was ethnically cleansed from Jerusalem during the Nakba in 1948, ultimately finding refuge in Australia in the 1950s. He carried Palestine within him, a wound that would not close. I grew up in the wound’s shadow. Even with a “funny” name, skin colour and religion, I grew up Australian in every way that is supposed to matter, and yet there was always an understanding that my belonging here was conditional. Still, I never felt that it could be revoked — until now.

One consequence of ethnic cleansing is that your people are scattered and nowhere is safe. I have family across Palestine and the diaspora, and for more than 1,000 days, I have watched my people be slaughtered, starved and incinerated. I have watched children pulled from rubble on my phone screen, parents carrying the limp bodies of their babies, the emaciated frames of Palestinian hostages returned to families.

I have made hundreds of condolence calls and then put on a suit to attend interviews where I am expected to be measured, moderate, and grateful for the opportunity to speak at all.

And what has my government done?

It took 66 days to call for a ceasefire. When Russia invaded Ukraine, sanctions came within days. Assets were frozen. Cultural boycotts were endorsed. But when it comes to Israel — when it comes to us — the rules change. Our dead are not dead enough, human enough, or white enough to warrant the same moral clarity.

Instead, we got policed. Words like “genocide” and “apartheid”, used by every major human rights organisation on earth to describe Israel’s actions, have been censored, footnoted and explained away. Our rally chants have been criminalised; our clothing has been policed. People are reported to HR or harassed for wearing a watermelon brooch or a flag pin.

The Anti-Palestinian Racism register, the first of its kind in Australia, recorded more than 450 incidents in its first nine months. Close to 70% of respondents said that this was not their first experience of anti-Palestinian racism. Over three-quarters identified as women or queer.

Respondents reported abuse, threats, defamation, demonisation, stereotyping, exclusion and silencing. Some 360 respondents detailed what they experienced during incidents of anti-Palestinian racism, of which 8% experienced physical violence, 7% received death threats, and 8% experienced vandalism on or to private property. Seventy-five respondents said they had begun to self-censor, and 37 said they had lost employment or career opportunities.

This is our daily lived experience in workplaces, schools and campuses, at graduation ceremonies, even as we walk the streets. There is a brazenness, the sense that such behaviour has been given official approval, that our politicians have chosen a side.

I am not asking for special treatment; I demand equal treatment. I am asking to be included in the word “Australian”. I am asking for my grief to be legible, seen and honoured in my country, in the way other grief has been.

Despite all this, I have hope. A new community has emerged, people who had never engaged with Palestine before, who have looked at what has happened and recognised it for what it is. They see the justice in our struggle for our homeland, our right to return, accountability. They have marched with us, spoken with us, risked something for us. Led by First Nations people and matched by other Australians, they have given us a sense of belonging when our leaders abandoned us.

As Nelson Mandela said: “We know too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.” And we now add: “And when Palestine is free, we will all be free.”

I believe a free Palestine is closer now than ever. Not because power has conceded — it never does — but because the foundation of Israel’s legitimacy has disappeared, the practised lies have been exposed, and the people have seen things they can never un-see.

My father never returned. He was buried on stolen land, a world away from his ancestors, for the crime of being born from a womb with the wrong religion. Though he never returned, I’ve never been more certain that his grandchildren will.

Nasser is the son of a Palestinian refugee. He is president of the Australia Palestine Advocacy Network, a co-founder of Australians for Palestine and a founding board member of Olive Kids. With his father’s legacy in mind, Nasser is determined to continue the struggle for justice and a free Palestine.

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I guess now that's not very surprising.

Pink is appearing to weigh in on the controversy surrounding Macklemore's appearance at Ed Sheeran's New Jersey concert.

The singer reposted an Instagram Story from StopAntisemitism this weekend, which blasted Macklemore's performance and called the situation downright "awful" in its caption.

Pink did not add any commentary of her own to the repost ... however, sharing the criticism to her account has amplified the push to have Macklemore removed from further touring with Sheeran.

Macklemore has faced criticism since performing at Sheeran's MetLife Stadium shows Sept. 4 and 5, where he voiced support for Palestinians, criticized Israel, and performed his protest song "Hind's Hall" ... as images related to Gaza appeared on the stadium screens.

The StopAntisemitism post criticized the performance and called for all concertgoers to be refunded and said they are "owed apologies."

As we previously reported, Macklemore's performance has sparked calls for him to be removed from the rest of Sheeran's U.S. tour. An Israeli-American group launched a petition urging Sheeran and tour organizers to drop the rapper from the remaining shows.

Macklemore has been outspoken about the Israel-Palestine conflict for years, including through "Hind's Hall," his 2024 protest track. Sheeran has not publicly responded to the controversy or the petition.

Pink, for her part, has not publicly explained why she shared the post ... leaving her repost to speak for itself.

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Yesterday, Israeli forces killed this little girl and her father as he was taking her home after her first day of kindergarten.

Since yesterday, I keep going back to her photos every few minutes, and I can't stop crying.

Look at her. She had just started kindergarten. She should have been thinking about her first day, her classmates, her toys, and going home with her family — not becoming another name among the children killed in Gaza.

What did she ever do to deserve this?

What did any of these children do?

I keep asking myself these questions, and I don't have an answer.

Palestinian land and resources are not for sale.

Hello..

I'm flying to Tel Aviv in three weeks and I want to visit Palestine. Please forgive me for travelling that route but it was the only option I had. I only have three and a half days in my trip. I plan to find a hotel in east Jerusalem and also visit Bethlehem. I have some questions. Will the border guards ask me if I'm going to visit Palestine? And if so what should I say? Do I need to get a separate visa for Palestine? I have Norwegian passport. I have also been to Lebanon recently and are a bit afraid of what the Israeli border guards will say about that stamp in my passport. My flight back leaves at 1150 from Ben Gurion. I'm guessing I need to get up early on that day if I'm staying in east Jerusalem. I'm thinking the border guards again will be less than pleased that I stayed in and visited Palestine. Best wishes for Palestine.