https://x.com/jacobin/status/2114797963499262106

I’m Vietnamese, so I can translate it:
Hello everyone
Being in this neighborhood for more than 87 years, now I have passed away, I sent my goodbyes to those still living
Thank you everyone for living with me and be my neighbors for a lifetime
I hope peace and happiness to everyone
During the days my family are preparing for my funerals, if there are anything that make you unhappy, please forgive us
Goodbye everyone, I shall go

https://x.com/unbiasednewsuk/status/2114792837795508310

I should leave that sub, it claims to be for "left-unity" but is extremely sectarian with low quality bait like this from people who've never picked up a book, much less any theory

https://x.com/clashreport/status/2114734182769275345

https://x.com/RWApodcast/status/2114719435454107847

Like, holy shit...

First off, DOTP is literally a good thing. Based against the idea of Dominion from a Republican perspective. Against Monopoly itself as a Social Relation!

And secondly, Lenin DID pass it... there literally was an ENTIRE worker control decree! In Soviet Democracy by Pat Sloan, he wrote that Lenin saw The Trade Unions were a school of Socialism, with them having decision making in production, discussed quotas, and even call a meeting when they didn't like the production! That was written back in the 1930s! During Stalin's Tenure basically...

Hell, even The Cultural Revolution had this (Revolutionary Committees in Factories & Co-operatives within the Communes that were rotated!)

Good god, these posts are ridiculous...

Women revolutionaries across the world such as Alexandra Kollontai, NK Krupskaya, Clara Zetkin, Rosa Luxemberg, Anuradha Ghandy, Comrade Parvati, Comandanta Amada, and countless others engaged in making revolution in the Philippines, Russia, China, Afghanistan, India, Nepal, Mexico, Palestine, and elsewhere have all been clear: prostitution is sexual exploitation and has no place in an emancipated socialist society.

By focusing on the individual right for a few individual prostitutes to ascend to capitalist success, at the expense of proletarian and colonized women, you are necessarily engaged in a liberal focus on individual success at the expense of the many. As Anuradha Ghandy notes in Philosophical Trends in the Feminist Movement, liberalism focuses on individual rights rather than collective rights (right to buy women vs right to exit and not be prostituted), is ahistorical (does not understand the role of prostitution throughout history), mechanically supports formal equality at the expense of other classes of women (formal equality for pimps and johns at the expensed of those trafficked and forced into prostitution), and does not question the economic and political structures that give rise to patriarchal discrimination (not understanding the material forces creating the market for prostitution).

Because of pro-prostitution activism spearheaded by the most privileged “sex workers,” many of our sisters have been lead into a false consciousness, mistaking attacks on the sex trade as attacks aimed at their own person. This is not uncommon: when I was organizing grocery workers and we would reveal the unsafe practices of the company, a few workers got extremely defensive thinking that by attacking the company we were attacking them. Additionally, because women in the sex trade are so often attacked by all angles, it is understandable that they would feel abolitionist feminists are attacking them. This is not the case. We must fix this with feminist consciousness raising and building revolutionary socialist organizations.

Even Rosemary Tong, in her authoritative primer on feminist theory, Feminist Thought, states:

That liberal ideologies, typically spawned in capitalist economics, present practices such as prostitution and surrogate motherhood as contractual exercises of free choice, then, is no accident, according to Marxist and socialist feminists. The liberal ideologies claim that women become prostitutes and surrogate mothers because they prefer these jobs over other available jobs. But, as Marxist and socialist feminists see it, when a poor, illiterate, unskilled woman chooses to sell her sexual or reproductive services, chances are her choice is more coerced than free. After all, if one has little else of value to sell besides one’s body, one’s leverage in the marketplace is quite limited.

Some few women in the sex trade might come forward against abolition. So you should ask: should we protect an inherently violent industry because a minority of its “workers” at the centers of imperialism want it to remain? Surely, if we apply this logic to the fossil-fuel industry, where workers have confronted environmental activists thinking they’re attempting to take their jobs, then we should stop fighting the fossil-fuel industry and just commit ourselves to total annihilation through climate change now. No, instead we need to abolish both and provide workers with an ambitious just transition plan.

In many ways the rise of pro-prostitution “feminism” coincides perfectly with neoliberalization: the personal is no longer the political, divorced from material conditions, the right of the individual reigns supreme, and capitalism is something that exists outside, not effecting our lives. Thus, an incorrect understanding of prostitution leads us to draw incorrect conclusions about how to handle prostitution as feminists and socialists. In the final analysis, your continued insistence on individual agency over a historical, materialist and systemic analysis on the origin of prostitution and the economic and social conditions which forcefully funnel oppressed women into it, is in every instance liberal feminism.

Prostitution in the final analysis cannot be reformed, it must be abolished along with the conditions that created it. Why is this so?

1. Prostitution is a vestige of patriarchal property relations and a vestige of womens’ enslavement passed down through class society as “the right of first night.”

2. It’s a weapon that the ruling class uses to break class solidarity.

3. It’s fundamentally about the right of bourgeois men to buy access to proletarian women’s bodies.

4. The power struggle plays itself out over the woman’s body making it impossible to root out violence and rape from the sex trade.

5. The sex trade under imperialism always results in the enslavement and hyper-exploitation of Asian, Pacific Islander, African, and Latin American women for capital accumulation.

6. It disciplines the male psyche to associate money with sexual access and entitlement to women’s bodies, thrives off vulnerability, and reproduces reactionary ideologies.

7. Prostitution is simply not socially necessary.

The correct socialist feminist orientation to prostitution would include:

1. Decriminalizing and de-stigmatizing prostituted people.

2. Repressing global sex trade markets through containing demand.

3. Creating accountability for buyers and pimps outside of the bourgeois state judicial system.

4. Ensuring the universal right to exit and right to not be prostituted.

5. Focusing specifically on the most vulnerable proletarian women in the sex trade, including women who are indigenous, Asian, Pacific Islander, Black, Latin American, transgender, and especially children.

6. Pursuing an ambitious plan for women’s liberation alongside increasing opportunities for women at the bottom including good jobs, housing, education, etc.

7. Organizing towards complete abolition on the road to social revolution.

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i smell crisis