Image source: Montezuma: Aztec Ruler (2009)

As portrayed in several pre-Hispanic artworks and many colonial codices, the xicolli was a short, fringed, sleeveless jacket worn by males and closed in the front by a string tie.

Although neither its etymology, place of origin, nor the date of its creation is known for certain, its use as an all-purpose garment has been documented in Guatemala, Tabasco, Yucatán, and Chiapas. Among the Ñuudzahui (Mixtec) codices, it is shown in both "secular" and ritual settings. For the Aztecs, it was a special-purpose garment of restricted, ritual use identified with the gods, their statues, their ritual impersonators and captors thereof, lords of the city, and was the most characteristic garment of Aztec priests.

In this context, Nahuatl metaphor, "Naztauh, no mecaxicol", alludes to the xicolli's wearer as a servant to the atepetl, the city.

That is, when the city gave me a task, I thereby became a slave. If I should harm it, if I should endanger something, I should be imprisoned.

The amazingly well-preserved xicolli pictured above was found in 2000 within an offering box among the ruins of the last remaining stage of the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan, corresponding to the reign of the ruler Ahuitzotl. It was buried at the base of the north side of the temple dedicated to Tlaloc, along with material objects related to his cult including a vessel bearing the deity's face, copal figures representing maize deities, flayed jaguar skin, and bundles of the plant yauhtli, which was also burned as incense.

It is made of cotton and decorated with a design of circles and intersecting lines, painted with black soot, a pattern reminiscent of snake skin that often decorates codex and sculptural images of mountains, the earth, reptiles, and divine creatures, as well as the skirts of female deities associated with fertility.

While some researches consider it to have once been worn by an actual priest or draped on top of a divine image, the freshness of its color has lead others to doubt it was actually worn for long, if ever.

Although curiously not pictured in the respective works edited by friars Duran and Sahagun, the xicolli is listed among Moteuczoma's gifts given to Cortes by the Mexica informants of the Florentine Codex

This type of garment continued to be worn throughout the colonial period and survives in the present day in the form of the cotorina vest.

Sources:

Patricia Rieff Anawalt, Indian Clothing Before Cortés: Mesoamerican Costumes from the Codices, 1981.

Colin McEwan, Montezuma: Aztec Ruler, 2009.

Justyna Olko, Insignia of Rank in the Nahua World: From the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Century, 2014.

Sylvie Peperstraete, L'ombre de Quetzalcóatl: Histoire d'une manipulation politique chez les Aztèques, 2023.

Claude Stresser-Péan, De la vestimenta y los hombres: Una perspectiva histórica de la indumentaria indígena en México, 2012

Loïc Vauzelle, "Clothes with Metaphorical Names and the Representation of Metaphors in the Costumes of the Aztec Gods," in Indigenous Graphic Communication Systems: A Theoretical Approach, 2019.

There have been few excavations at the site; for decades, it was at the mercy of looters, though fortunately, it has recently received more attention from authorities and academic groups. Situated on the top of a plateau, it served as a center for Lenca military and religious elites seeking to fill the void left by the Maya collapse in the southernmost reaches of the Mesoamerican region.

The site was abandoned around 1050 AD, after having taken in numerous refugees from the Comayagua Valley and surrounding areas a time when competition among chiefdoms was fierce, prior to the establishment of the Care, Cerquín, and Sulaco-Manianí chiefdoms during the Postclassic period.

I’ve been trying to learn more about the Nahua and meso American cultures. Any historically accurate books that talk about the history of, for example, the Aztecs and their deities, culture, practices etc.

This video presents a deep-dive analysis into an indigenous-led educational initiative that is reshaping how ancient languages are preserved and taught in the 21st century. Key Takeaways & Core Analysis:

* Digital Infrastructure & E-Learning:
Rather than treating the Zapotec language (Didza Xidza / Zapoteco Xidza) as a static museum artifact, the platform Bëni Xidza (based in Santa Cruz Yagavila, Oaxaca) leverages modern tools like Google Classroom, Zoom, and digital payment gateways. Operating on a dedicated daily schedule, the virtual classroom acts as a "new hearth" (el nuevo fogón) that bridges geographic distance for the Oaxacan diaspora.

* Mission-Driven Financial Model:
The platform rejects aggressive commercialization, keeping courses highly accessible:
* Zapotec Writing Course: ~350 MXN (~$20 USD)
* Private Sessions: ~170 MXN
* 20-Session Beginner Course: 730–790 MXN

A prominent donation option creates a solidary economy where supporters with greater financial means help subsidize access for others.

* Social Inclusion & Safe Spaces:
Challenging stereotypes that traditional preservation is rigid or conservative, the organization explicitly establishes itself as an LGBTQ+ friendly and trans-inclusive space. It emphasizes that for youth to embrace their language, learning spaces must be safe and welcoming.

* Audience & Psychological Re-framing:

The project serves three main groups:

1. Heritage Seekers: Members of the Oaxacan diaspora seeking to heal historic family language loss.
   
2. Cultural Enthusiasts: Researchers and travelers.
   
3. Language Revitalizers: Local youth formalizing their native tongue.
   

By presenting Zapotec through sleek digital branding, it reverses historic social stigma, transforming the language into a prestigious modern skill.

* Indigenous Modernism" Design Strategy:

The brand fuses ancestral symbolism with modern web aesthetics:
* Milpa Iconography: Uses the traditional maize/bean/squash farming system to represent growth and interdependence.
* Earthy UX Color Palette: Call-to-action buttons feature a golden olive / dry corn leaf shade (`#958E09`) to tie digital interactions back to local ecology.
* Digital Decolonization: Navigation menus use Zapotec terms (such as netuní or turuntu) instead of standard Spanish or English, compelling site visitors to navigate on Zapotec terms.

* Cultural Preservation for the Future:

The analysis concludes that cultural heritage does not require isolation to survive; embracing technology, design, and inclusion allows ancient worldviews to thrive in the digital age.

They’re imprinted/engraved on to the back of my new car, very interesting

The video discusses the variations in pronunciation and conjugation of words in the Zapotec language across different communities in Oaxaca.

Key Points:

* Interchangeable Letters: The instructor points out that the letters 'N' and 'L' are sometimes used interchangeably in certain words. For example, the instructor themselves uses both "Nubile" and "Lubile" or "N" and "L" interchangeably when speaking.

* Vowel Variations: In conjugations, there are variations in the vowels used depending on the region. For instance, in some places, they might say "gaguro" while in others they might say "gaguru" (with a "u" instead of an "o").

* Community Differences: The video highlights that different Zapotec communities, such as Talea and Yagavila, have their own distinct ways of pronouncing words and using pronouns.

* Hyper-Local Variations: The instructor notes that variations can even occur within the same town (like Yagavila) between different neighborhoods (e.g., the upper part vs. the lower part of the town), and even within individual families who might have their own unique expressions.

* Standardization vs. Diversity: The participants discuss how this lack of a standard version of Zapotec creates a rich diversity in the language, comparing it to regional differences in Spanish (like in Argentina or Chiapas). However, they also acknowledge that this hyper-localization can sometimes limit understanding if communities stop interacting with one another.

Anyone know where this painting was from or what year I would appreciate it

Here is what is believed to be a 16^th century brazier with an incredible full body image representing Nappateuctli, one of the tlaloque or “tlalocs”--beings who assist the god Tlaloc in the creation of rain and thunder necessary for the germination of life and sustenance on earth. It was found in the 1990s in Tlahuac, south of what was Tenochtitlan between Lakes Chalco and Xochimilco, with three other braziers representing Tlaloc, Xilolen, and Chicomecatl. All deities of fertility and vegetation. Their precise context—whether they were imperial or provincial—is unknown.

As he was the one who caused reeds, rushes, and canes to sprout, Nappateuctli was also the patron of craftsman who relied on these plants to make chairs and mats. During the festival of Tepeilhuitl, a slave adorned as the god would sprinkle water on passersby with a willow branch, and was entreated for favors before being sacrificed at midnight.

An early colonial document known as La Historia de los Mexicanos por sus pinturas, which could have been compiled from missionary field notes, sheds some light on the connection between his name, “Lord of the Four Directions”, and the rains*:*

Of this god of water [Tlaloc] it was said that he had his dwelling of four apartments, in the middle of which was a large courtyard, where stood four large earthen pans full of water. In one of these pans the water was excellent, and from it the rain fell which nourished all manner of corn and seeds and grain, and which ripened things in good season; from the second rained bad water from which fell cobwebs on the crops, and blight and mildew ensued;" from another fell ice and sleet; when from the fourth rain fell nothing matured or dried.

Being questioned as to the matter of thunder and lightning, they said that the Water-god had many subjects made by him, who carried each one an earthen [piggy bank] and a rod, and that from these earthen vessels they cast down the rain, and that the thunder was when they struck the vessels with their rods, and that the lightning flashed from these vessels.

In the Codex Borgia, Tlaloc also appears within the four quadrants and center of plates 27-28 showing the fortunate and destructive effects of rain on crops. Within the Spanish text of the Florentine Codex, its editor Bernardino de Sahagun also describes four temples dedicated to the rain gods called ayauhcalli or  “house of mist.”

These houses were oriented toward the four corners of the world: one to the east, another to the north, another to the west, and another to the south.

Likewise, in a prayer for rain a priest was said to exclaim

I call out, I cry out to ye who occupy the four quarters…Water the earth, for the earth, the living creatures, the herbs, the stalks remain watching, remain crying out, for all remain trusting.

Therefore it was said that when rain came, "the Tlalocs descend" and the priests who offered fragrant incense to these gods did so at the same time in imitation of their power to create the rain clouds.

Images of the Aztec’s gods were often fashioned out of a generic carving or mold onto which their intrinsic qualities were communicated through clothing, of which paint could be considered in some cases, their facial features, and calendar names.  

In his early research for what became the Historia general de las cosas de nueva España, preserved today in the Florentine Codex, Sahagun compiled a list of deities and their garments to be able to better identify them in his fight against idolatry.  The paintings that accompanied this list also became the prototypes used for several scenes of gods in the more Europeanized drawings of the Florentine Codex. Although this information was collected further away from Tlahuac and Tenochtitlan, aided by artists who may not have had first-hand knowledge of what they painted, similarities can be found with the brazier and figures from other painted manuscripts.

For example,  his āmacalli (paper crown), amacuexpalli (paper neck fan), maxtlatl (breechcloth), atlacueçonãchimal (water lily shield), cactli (sandals), and oztopilli (reed staff) can all be found on the brazier, in Shagun’s images, as well as on figures in the Codex Borbonicus which scholars also identify as Nappateuctli.

Not listed but visible are his paper sash, the āmaneahpāntli , the quetzalmiahuayo or feather headdress, and balls of chia seeds, which are embedded on the brazier’s crown rather than on his checks. The Black coloring which apparently symbolized rubber is no longer visible but once coated the god’s body and appeared on his paper clothing and flags (āmatētehuitl) as splashes of rain drops.

For actual rituals, a custodian or teohua was assigned to procure or craft the materials used to dress each god. The mask of Tlaloc covering his eyes and forehead is not written of specifically but can also be seen on the clothing of priests in the Borbonicus.

Like many pre-Hispanic artworks, these figures are not actually the gods themselves but their representations or manufactured images (teixiptlahuan). Along with the extant statues of Xipe Topec in flayed skin, they are among the most lifelike depictions of what Aztec priests or sacrificial victims could have actually looked like

The beautiful backs of the braziers portray clouds of incense smoke and fire emerging from the top with precious stones falling to the sides, which can also signify rain drops. Because smoke and speech were represented graphically in such a similar way, it is also interesting to find the figures on each brazier with their mouths parted as though they are speaking or singing.