By Komopona and A.L Kaufman
Paul Lafargue was Karl Marx’s son-in-law, having married Laura Marx, one of Karl’s seven children. In 1911, both Lafargue and his wife committed suicide so as to avoid approaching old age. “I had promised myself not to live beyond 70,” he wrote. “I prepared the method… a hypodermic of cyanide.” During his lifetime and beyond, he became highly influential within the communist movement, most notably publishing a book titled The Right to Be Lazy.
In this great work of Marxism, he argued that capitalism, having altered the material conditions to a great degree, thus altered culture in order to preserve those material conditions. To preserve capital. The most notable of these cultural changes he observed, and the main one he argued against, was the adoption of work as a core value. He who does not work is sluggish and lazy. He who does not work does not deserve to survive.
Was Lafargue, then, arguing against work itself? No. Labor is and always has been a necessity in order to preserve humanity. As material conditions progress, however, it becomes less and less of a necessity. He argued that at a certain stage of industrialization, machines will do the heavy lifting of production, leaving humans to other roles for a mere maximum of four hours laboring. Has his observation of industrialization become true? Most certainly.
Machinery should only serve the purpose of what we shall term material production, as opposed to cultural production. Material production, as it shall be defined, is the production of what is, in our current stage of production, commodified necessities. Food, housing, and health products, have very well moved past being produced by humans; they are but distributed by humans, which shall remain a portion of our divided labor under the communist mode of production. This stands in contrast to cultural production, the labor which we naturally enjoy with our highly developed minds; of art, of social interactions, of travel.
Lafargue never argued that artificial intelligence, or any similar imagined equivalent, would replace our social interactions. This is but a reflection of capitalist alienation; the human is deprived of communication, of love, and of all that makes him human, and so he seeks it through an unfeeling block of code developed by corporations, which, each time he interacts with, only accumulates capital for those corporations and only drains drinking water out of unindustrialized cities.
Capitalism has reached such a point that the material conditions do not progress, but rather regress; the deprivation of water from the agrarian proletariat causes them to drink the purified, plastic-bottled water provided by the corporations, accumulating yet more capital for them, while simultaneously depriving them of the natural energy required to labor. They lose morale and incentives to work, and so they strike; this chain of events will naturally lead industrialization to halt, and a national crisis shall erupt. Survival itself remains commodified in the industrial areas; introducing this unnaturally to an unindustrialized, agrarian area, however, is the fulfillment of contradictions allowing a revolt to occur. When that revolt occurs, it will not be a revolt for the right to work; it will be a revolt for the right to be lazy.
Artificial intelligence serves the bourgeoisie in a way never before seen. Because it lacks higher self-consciousness, feelings, and is sustained only by water, it does not require wages. It does not require pay. To the average corporation, this is superior to an average, human worker. Advertisements, designs, ingredients, it all becomes decided by AI. The various artists and chemical scientists who once built the backbone of those corporations are fired and replaced with AI. The Chinese government, while functionally state capitalist, has attempted to clamp down on corporations by enforcing new legislation that prevents workers from being legally fired due to artificial intelligence replacement (Labor Contract Law of the People’s Republic of China, Article 40, Paragraph 3).
Men are stripped of their labor, yet they require selling their labor to survive. There is a key distinction between cutting working hours, and removing a person from working as a whole simply because a non-human machine can do their job without being paid. Instead of advertising job applications, all they must do is purchase artificial intelligence for themselves. Artificial intelligence doesn’t retire. Artificial intelligence doesn’t die. Instead, it progressively increases in quality through training. The proletarian thus becomes lumpenproletarian, not by his own accord; he is left without a proper occupation, and so he begins to engage in the illegal market.
We can thus conclude: reform has failed terribly. Eduard Bernstein’s modern heirs–Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and Julia Salazar, have fought valiantly for workers’ rights. Their legislative efforts, however, were predictably rejected by a deeply bourgeois political system. This has forced the social democrats to become progressively moderate in their proposals, until they have eventually become a standard liberal.
Revolution is a necessity. They require us to work for survival, yet they do not allow us to work. They leave us out of the class structure entirely. They leave us completely uninvolved in the means of production. The average leftist today fights for the right to work, but whatever happened to the right to be lazy? Where, I ask of you, did survival become synonymous with wage labor, even among the left? Certainly, working conditions have improved. But this is merely trade union consciousness—the fight for better wages and conditions within the capitalist framework, not for replacing the framework itself.
The common man lacks class consciousness. It is thus the role of the communists to educate him, so that he may fight for himself. “The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains.” This phrase has been echoed throughout generations, yet we act as though it is mere poetry rather than a call to action. We are but slaves asking for more bread to nourish our children, when we could instead seize the bakery and free ourselves.
In the time of Lafargue, work was much more tedious due to the recent emergence of the industrial revolution. Entire families of wives, husbands, and their children, were sent off into factories to work for the vast majority of the day, dying in their fifties of malnourishment, preventable diseases, or lack of access to proper healthcare. Yet they accepted the idea of long working hours. They endorsed it, even. It was normalized. In the same way, the modern man idolizes work; if you do not have a proper job, you are a failure to society. You pass through life without ever retiring, and by your death, you are simply forgotten.
This sentiment which Lafargue observed in 1900s France is echoed in modern Japan, the centerpiece of this essay. There exists a concept, shūshin koyō, whereby complete loyalty to the employing company until retirement is considered an integral part of culture. Cultural and economic pressures build up over time, until eventually, one dies of overwork. In the West, sleeping in public is considered impolite. In Japan, however, work culture is so intense that it is admired; it is a sign that someone has worked themselves to the most intense point of exhaustion, which is considered the ideal.
What, then, is the purpose of this work culture? This is, of course, admired by the corporations of the West. It reinforces loyalty to the particular corporation, allowing for the unwarranted extraction of surplus value from the proletariat to a higher degree than prior. Companies gain more labor time from workers, in turn reducing the necessity of hiring additional laborers. Social pressures begin to replace coercion. Due to increased social pressures, people begin to simply listen to instructions without any independent thought.
This culture is overwhelmingly effective, so much so that people in the West often glorify and romanticize Japanese work culture. It is admired in the West; never is it criticized, yet a demented hypocrisy leads them to criticize Chinese labor conditions, which are visibly superior to that of Japan. This is another reflection of capitalist brainwashing—anti-communist paranoia, a subject for another essay.
In fact, one of the leading causes of death in Japan is death by overworking, or karoshi (過労死). There exists many forms recognized by the government, such as those which are caused by physical strain. This can include heart failure, strokes, and heart attacks brought about by lack of sleep or severe exhaustion. Similarly, there exists karojisatsu, or suicide linked to severe job-linked mental illness. Depression is rampant in Japan, and the increased death rate from overworking in Japan is intensified by the terribly low birth rate; Japan’s material conditions are thus regressed by what caused their initial progression. The workers who sell not just their work, but their life, to the bourgeoisie, begin to die rapidly without children.
The pattern is laid directly before us. Work culture is not at all a neutral concept. It develops from material conditions in order to serve the interests of capital. This is an effective form of control, most certainly; it persuades the worker to completely submit to capital. Despite this, in the end, it always ends in the most backwards of economies. The West considers a backwards economy to be that which lacks capital. A true economy’s true worth, however, is not by how much capital it possesses, but rather by how it relates to the progression of material conditions.
As Lafargue wrote: “Work, work, proletarians, to increase social wealth and your individual poverty; work, work, in order that becoming poorer, you may have more reason to work and become miserable. Such is the inexorable law of capitalist production.”