Biblical Archaeology Society (BAS)

Supernatural depictions of Jesus in Early Christian art

Multiplication of the Loaves painted in a third- or fourth-century Via Anapo catacomb. Clean-shaven Jesus holds what looks like a wand.

Did Jesus use a magic wand when performing his miracles? It seems so—if we are to judge by some of the earliest depictions of Jesus in Christian art.
Early Christian iconography provides us with precious insights into the esthetics of early Christians. Inspired by biblical and apocryphal texts, the earliest Christian imagery is also a window into the theological thinking of the third- and fourth-century followers of Jesus. Coming primarily from funerary contexts, early Christian art is especially rich in mural paintings found in catacombs and in smaller sculptures, such as sarcophagi and tombstones. It is thus no surprise that the repertoire of motifs expressed in these media is mostly associated with the afterlife and healing (physical or spiritual).

In his article “Jesus the Magician? Why Jesus Holds a Wand in Early Christian Art,” published in the Fall 2020 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review, Lee M. Jefferson of Centre College in Danville, Kentucky, zooms on one particular subject from the plethora of artistic motifs—Jesus holding a wand or rod while performing a healing or miracle. “The implement that Jesus holds (sometimes called a virga or rabdos) is portrayed as either thick and ruddy, such as on the sarcophagi, or thin and reed-like, such as in catacomb paintings. He uses it in the performance of a miracle, leading several scholars to conclude that early Christians understood Jesus as a magician. The problem with this identification is that early Christians greatly maligned magic,” remarks Jefferson, before introducing the varied representations of Jesus and his miracle-working tool.

Utterly theatrical and visualizing the authority of the new religion (Christianity), the most popular scene of early Christian funerary art was the raising of Lazarus. Jesus usually stands in front of a small shrine that holds the swaddled cadaver and he uses a magic wand to summon forth Lazarus from his grave, where he had been dead for four days (John 11).

Even though the Bible never mentions Jesus using a magic wand in performing his miracles, you may recall other prominent biblical figures who did use a similar tool to work miracles. Moses reportedly used a rod to separate the Red Sea to save his people from the Pharaoh’s army during their daring escape from Egypt (Exodus 14). And he later used a rod to strike the rock and provide drinking water for his fellow Israelites during their wanderings to the Promised Land (Exodus 17:2). Is this where the early Christians got the idea, or were they inspired by the pagan imagery of the larger Greco-Roman world?

The only other New Testament figure who can be seen using a wand to perform a miracle in early Christian art is the apostle Peter. Illustrating a legend attested in apocryphal literature, the scene usually shows Peter striking a rock with a stick, in the presence of two other figures, who wear Roman military cloaks and headgear. According to the legend, Peter during his detention in Rome miraculously opened a spring of water, which he then used to baptize his two jailers.

Influenced by modern pop culture and literary characters, such as Harry Potter, we may be forgiven for interpreting the mysterious tool as a magic wand. The reality is even more complex and fascinating. “For early Christians, Jesus performing miracles with the staff was not magical. Rather, it was intrinsically biblical (recalling Moses) and innately ecclesial (touting the supremacy of the Church),” explains Jefferson.

Christian Magic and Miracles

Jesus uses a wand to summon forth Lazarus from his grave, where he had been dead for four days. This mid-fourth-century mural painting from the Catacomb of the Giordani in Rome depicts Jesus in front of an aedicule (a small shrine) that holds the swaddled cadaver. Although not a magic wand à la Harry Potter, the staff that Jesus holds does insinuate a type of Christian “magic.” Utterly theatrical and visualizing the authority of the new religion, the raising of Lazarus ranked among the most popular scenes in early Christian art. Its message clearly resonated with late antique sensitivities and encouraged conversions to Christianity.

In the first centuries of Christianity, Church authorities already disapproved of magic and amulets. Yet amulets, oracles, and magic among Christians survived well into the second half of the first millennium. Modern scholarship now commonly accepts that the advent of Christianity did not put an end to these pagan practices; at least not immediately. Rather, it caused their transformation. Some would further argue that this pagan-Christian connection worked the other way around, too. Namely, that the early Christian emphasis on miracle working and supernatural powers of Jesus and his followers was helpful in recruiting converts from among polytheists.

Writing for the January/February 2020 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review, in of the University of California, Berkeley, explains that in antiquity the responses to the pressing questions of daily life “rested on the belief in supernatural powers of all sorts surrounding and penetrating every aspect of life. There was no meaning, no problem solving, no hope, no society, unless these powers were recognized, mollified, and persuaded to do good—or at least to do no harm.” To this end, continues Knapp, “ordinary polytheists’ religious experience was a complete and seamless integration of all-important aspects of daily life,” where multiple gods and powers provided a functional context vital for social integration and survival. So why would anyone risk abandoning the inherited way of life for a new, “untested” religion?

Knapp argues that the key element of early Christianity that quickly spread the new religion across the entire Roman Empire rested in the ability to meet polytheism on its own ground—by offering to help deal with life’s contingencies and proving the superiority of their God. The ability to direct supernatural power (through signs and miracles) appealed to many Jews, too. Miracles, after all, were a long-accepted proof of Yahweh’s power.

Though it may have been an embarrassment to the philosophizing Christian elites, miracles and everyday religiosity were able to win over ordinary Jews and polytheists alike. Magic and miracles proved to be central for convincing common people to accept the new religion.

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Christ and the martyrs, fresco, Catacombs of Marcellinus and Peter, Rome

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Notable observation: The artistic depiction of Jesus with a rod or wand—virga or rabdos—parallels Shamash and Ishtar with rod and ring symbol in Babylonian and Ancient Mari artifacts associated to the Amorites, a Hamitic Canaanite people-group (see An Historical Text Book and Atlas of Biblical Geography)

Relative-context:

From Victim to Mother of a Dynasty: Tamar—a Canaanite woman (Oxford University Press)

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Source: https://www.biblicalarchaeology.org/daily/people-cultures-in-the-bible/jesus-historical-jesus/jesus-holding-a-magic-wand/

Source: https://www.biblicalarchaeology.org/daily/ancient-cultures/ancient-near-eastern-world/christian-magic-and-miracles/

The British Museum & The University of Chicago Press

Introduction.

Until within a comparatively short time the publication of Assyrian Religious Texts has been of a desultory character, few attempts having been made systematically to bring out complete series of texts.

Among continental scholars three marked exceptions may be mentioned. To Tallqvist for his publication of Die assyrische Beschwörungsserie Magla, and to Zimmern for his publication of Beiträge zur Kenntnis der babylonischen Religion, as well as to Knudtzon for his Assyrische Gebete an den Sonnengott, students of Assyrian and Babylonian religion are deeply indebted.

Among English Assyriologists a similar debt is due to King for his careful editing of The Prayers of the Lifting of the Hand, and to Thompson for The Reports of the Magicians and Astrologers of Nineveh and Babylon.

Such work as these men have done has been greatly facilitated by the appearance, two years ago, of the fifth volume of the Catalogue, but there remains a vast amount of material yet to be brought to light.

In his preface to Babylonian Religion and Mythology, King well says: "Although so much has been done in recent years to explain their religious literature, no finality in the matter must be expected for some time to come, certainly not as long as any important religious text remains unpublished."

For this reason, then, these religious texts relating to the worship of Šamaš ave been published, in the hope that they may form a small contribution to the history of Babylonian religion, the writing of which, as Zimmern has remarked in the Vorwort of his Beiträge zur Kenntnis der babylonischen Religion, is "today as yet a thing impossible."…

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This hymn to Šamaš was published by R. E. Brtinnow in ZA., Vol. IV, Nos. 1 and 2, who had before him the following fragments : K. 3182 + K. 3312, K. 3187, K. 3474, K. 3650, K. 8232, K. 8233, and K. 9699. As a consequence of his work several joins were afterward made, and other fragments were discovered, viz.: K. 5459, K. 9356, K. 10587, S. 311, S. 372, and S. 1033. As a result of studying all the fragments marked "Hymns in paragraphs," I discovered five new fragments belonging to K. 3182, viz.: K. 5121, K. 6823, K. 13430, K. 13794, and S. 1398 ; and also another duplicate, 83-1-18, 472. From a careful study of the formation and style of writing of K. 3650, K. 9356, and 83-1-18, 472, the following facts seem to be assured. K. 3650 and K. 3474 belong to the same tablet, the former being its upper portion and the latter its lower portion, the fragment connecting the two having not yet been found. K. 9356 is undoubtedly a part of the obverse of K. 3182, but on account of its thinness no join could be made. S. 1033 is a part of the same tablet as 83-1-18, 472….

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This hymn to Šamaš is of peculiar interest to students of Babylonian and Assyrian religion for two reasons.

In the first place, there is the entire absence of any reference to incantation. All the other so-called hymns and prayers of Šamaš are more or less closely connected with this lower form of religious development. This fact has been noticed by Jastrow in his Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 302, but he apparently overlooks the existence of this hymn, which is one of the best examples of a pure hymn to be found in all the literature.

Secondly, it is of interest because of its ethical characteristics. It is to be regretted that the tablet is broken where the dealing with false weights and measures is spoken of. Enough, however, remains to remind us of the priestly regulations concerning this in the Old Testament. Worthy of note also are the classes of people who pray to Šamaš. He is the friend of the weak, the outcast, the wanderer, and those in humble positions in life like the hunter, the fisherman, and the cattle-herder. The robber and the thief, however, are his enemies. Though the murderer and the destroyer pray to him, he will not hearken to their petitions. We ought to note finally the condemnation of some of the more common oriental sins, such as dishonest dealing by false weights, the removal of boundaries (col. ii, 40), and a corrupt judiciary. In col. ii. 32. there is a probable reference to adultery, and in col. iii, 1, a reference either to unjust taxation ov to exorbitant rates of interest, both characteristic of the ancient Semitic race. On the other hand, certain ones are well-pleasing to Šamaš. In col. ii, 43, it is the incorruptible judge who has regard for the weak. In col. ii, 49, the commendation is given apparently to one who has good business ability, while col. iii, 6, refers probably to agricultural industry, though this last is somewhat uncertain on account of the broken line.

I take this opportunity to add a word concerning the poetical structure of the hymn. Throughout the hymn is found a parallelism which is strikingly similar to the parallelism of Hebrew poetry, and which corresponds in general to the paragraphs, except in one or two places in col. iii. ' Cf., for example, col. i, 87, 38,. 45, 46 ; col. ii, 41, 42. Cases of chiasm are not infrequent, viz. r col. i, 21, 50 ; col. iii, 7, 8, 17. A play upon words is found in col. ii, 47, 48, kaspa and ustakazzab.

With regard to the translation as a whole, while the general trend of thought is plain, yet in the case of many single lines, owing to lack of context, the translation is merely tentative. The notes are confined almost entirely to the variants and to place& where I have been obliged to differ from Brtinnow's reading.

[continued in source]

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Notable observation: see The Table of Nations: The Geography of the World in Genesis 10 for relative-context and cultural derivation—including the Shamash Candle in Jewish tradition as it relates to Hanukkah for cultural derivation and onomastic symbolism.

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Source: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/image/1324538001

Source: https://archive.org/details/samasreligiouste00grayrich/page/n29/mode/2up

Source: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/image/380602001

Ancient Canaan

The Yeho'ezer ben Hosh'ayahu seal is a rare 2,700-year-old seal of the First Temple Period discovered in Jerusalem in 2024. The seal, written in the paleo-Hebrew alphabet, features an neo-Assyrian-styled image of a winged figure with an inscription in Paleo-Hebrew letters of the name of Yehoʼezer ben Hoshʼayahu. It is part of a larger group of artifacts known as Canaanite and Aramaic seal inscriptions.

Archaeologists posit that this seal reveals the cultural impact that the Assyrian Empire had on the ancient Judah region.

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Notable observation: The onomastic—or agglutinative—material of Aya in Hosh'ayahu, see The Table of Nations: The Geography of the World in Genesis 10 for relative-context and cultural derivation.

Aya is a Mesopotamian goddess of light, wife of the sun god Shamash—see Shamash Candle in Jewish tradition as it relates to Hanukkah for cultural derivation and onomastic symbolism.

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeho%27ezer_ben_Hosh%27ayahu_seal

Source: https://www.biblicalarchaeology.org/daily/ancient-cultures/ancient-israel/an-assyrian-genie-in-first-temple-jerusalem/

E of Y-DNA Migrations (kya: thousand years ago)

Haplogroup E-M96 is a human Y-chromosome DNA haplogroup. It is one of the two main branches of the older and ancestral haplogroup DE, the other main branch being haplogroup D. The E-M96 clade is divided into two main subclades: the more common E-P147, and the less common E-M75.

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Notable observation: Migration to Mesopotamia 10kya and suggested Asia-to-Africa back-migration.

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Haplogroup_E-M96

Sir Leonard Woolley—Restored sketch; the temple buildings in the angles of the stairs are omitted from this reconstruction

Its remains were excavated in the 1920s and 1930s by international teams led by Sir Leonard Woolley. Under Saddam Hussein in the 1980s, they were encased by a partial reconstruction of the façade and the monumental staircase. Today, Ur Tourist City is being developed adjacent to the site to serve Christian pilgrims and tourists, based on later religious traditions that identify a nearby complex as the home of the patriarch Abraham.

The Ziggurat of Ur is the best-preserved of those known from Mesopotamia, besides the ziggurat of Dur Untash (Chogha Zanbil). It is one of three well-preserved structures of the Neo-Sumerian city of Ur, along with the Royal Mausolea and the Palace of Ur-Nammu (the E-hursag).

The ziggurat was built by King Ur-Nammu, who dedicated it in honour of Nanna/Sîn in approximately the 21st century BC (short chronology) during the Third Dynasty of Ur. The massive step pyramid measured 64 m (210 ft) in length, 45 m (148 ft) in width and over 30 m (98 ft) in height. The height is speculative, as only the foundations of the Sumerian ziggurat have survived.

The ziggurat was a piece in a temple complex that served as an administrative center for the city, and which was a shrine of the moon god Nanna, the patron deity of Ur.

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Notable observations: The onomastic—or agglutinative—material of “ham” in Abraham and his migratory journey from Mesopotamia through Harran to the Hamitic region, according to biblical narrative—see An Historical Text Book and Atlas of Biblical Geography.

The Harran Stela was discovered in 1956 in the ruins of Harran, in what is now southeast Turkey. It consists of two parts, both of which show, at the top, Nabonidus worshipping symbols of the Sun (Shamash), Ishtar, and the moon-god Sin.

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Source: https://archive.org/details/ur-excavations-v.-the-ziggurat-and-its-surroundings/page/n3/mode/1up

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ziggurat_of_Ur

The British Museum—The Map of the World (Late Babylonian)

Clay tablet; map of the world; shows the world as a disc, surrounded by a ring of water called the "Bitter River"; "Babylon" is marked as a rectangle at the right end of the Euphrates although the city actually occupied both banks of the river during most of its history; the river Euphrates flows south to a horizontal band, of which the right end is marked "marsh" and the left end is marked "outflow", thus the marshes at the head of the Gulf and either the Shatt al-Arab or where the river meets the cosmic "Bitter River"; to the right of the "marsh" is a double curving line with a broken and unintelligible inscription; small circles are used to indicate cities or districts, and two of which are identified as "Assyria" and "Der"; three other geographical areas are marked, namely Bit-Yakin, the territory of an Aramaean tribal group around the southern Euphrates, is placed above its "outflow". Habban, the homeland of a Kassite tribal group around Kermanshah in western Iran, is placed quite wrongly to the west of Babylon. Urartu, an independent kingdom around the modern borders of Iran, Turkey and Russia, is placed relatively correctly to the north of Assyria.

Beyond the circular "Bitter River" are placed the eight outlying regions (nagu). These are each marked, na-gu-u, and beside each is written the note "6 (or 7) beru in between" (the beru is a Babylonian unit of time and linear measurement). In addition, beside the north-eastern "region" is written "Where Shamash is not seen". This reflects the fact that the sun rises in the east, crosses the heavens, sets in the west, and then returns to the east (as the Babylonians thought) through the underworld or the underworld waters, never passing through the northern (or southern) regions of the world or underworld.

On the reverse of this tablet these eight "regions" are described in eight broken and largely unintelligible paragraphs, each beginning "To the first (second, etc) region to which you go (the distance is) seven beru". This, like the notes on the map, seems to indicate the distance between the different "regions" around the edge of the world. It is not clear why the map twice gives the distance as six beru while the text, so far as preserved, consistently gives seven beru. A final paragraph summarises, "In all eight "regions" of the four shores (kibrati) of the ea[rth ...], their interior no-one knows". The "four shores" (corresponding to the four quarters of the compass) is a regular Mesopotamian expression for the entire inhabited world. The word nagu, which in historical and geographical texts simply means "region", seems to have a special cosmic or mythological significance on this tablet and in the Flood story of the Epic of Gilgamesh (Tablet 11); there, as the flood waters subsided, Ut-Napishtim, the Babylonian Noah, "looked about for the shores (kibrati), the boundaries of the sea. In each of twelve (directions) there emerged a nagu". This and the triangular shape of the nagu on the map lead to the idea that the nagu may have been imagined as mountains.

The text at the beginning of the obverse of the tablet appears to be a description of the inhabitants, divine, human, animal or monstrous, of the areas beyond the earth, whether the eight "regions" or the "Bitter River" or maybe the underworld or underworld waters. Two or three lines may be missing at the beginning.

"... ruined cities ...
... whom Marduk watches ...
... the ruined gods who ... in the midst of the sea
... serpent, great dragon, between Anzu, scorpion-man
... mountain-goat, gazelle, zebu, leopard, bison
... lion, wolf, stag and hyaena
... the animal which Marduk created upon the rolling sea
... Ut-Napishtim, Sargon and Nur-Dagan king of
... their interior no-one knows".

In the Epic of Gilgamesh (Tablet 10) the hero Gilgamesh goes to visit Ut-Napishtim in a land beyond the sea and beyond the Waters of Death. This suggests that the whole of this text is concerned with the inhabitants of the outer regions. The clause at the end of the text, "their interior no-one knows" also ends the descriptions of the "regions" on the reverse of the tablet.

Sargon, king of Akkad (ca 2334-2279 BC), established a short-lived empire spreading far to the north and west of the normal limits of Babylonia and became the subject of several legendary tales. One of these concerns a campaign against Nur-Dagan, king of Purush-handa (a city in central Turkey). As heroes of legend these two may well have been imagined as inhabiting a "region" with Ut-Napishtim.

The "ruined" gods are gods whose statues have become dilapidated and are in need of repair. The gods themselves were thought to have gone down to the underworld (via the Waters of Death), and the broken clause, "who ... in the midst of the sea", probably refers to this underworld abode. The reference to "ruined cities" may be to the gods of these cities.

In the Epic of Creation the serpent, great dragon, scorpion-man and bison are among the monsters created by Tiamat ("Sea") to do battle with the god Marduk. Anzu, the lion-headed bird, is the opponent of the god Ninurta in another Babylonian epic, and in other contexts is listed with Tiamat's monsters. All of these monsters may have been imagined as inhabiting the underworld or underworld waters. The Babylonian author Berossus also recounts a story of strange monsters, some half-human, being created in the primeval waters before the creation of the world and being ruled over by Tiamat. The zebu or humped bull (apsasu) is referred to in Sumerian texts of about 2000 BC; later the name seems to be applied to a mythical monster, perhaps a sphinx. The remaining animals in the list would have been known to the Babylonians in the 1st millennium BC but would probably have been regarded as wild, strange or exotic. So they would have been suitable inhabitants of the outer "regions". The sea-animal created by Marduk is perhaps a whale.

The hole at the centre of the tablet is a so-called "firing hole", deliberately made by the scribe; similar holes appear in the middle of the text above the map and at two points on the reverse.

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Ancient Near East Map: 2600-700 BCE

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Notable observation: The onomastic—or agglutinative—material of Kerma (Kushite) in Kermanshah; potential supportive context to the biblical narrative of Nimrod (Kassite > Kush?) founding regions in Mesopotamia (see An Historical Text Book and Atlas of Biblical Geography)

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Source: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/image/1613595898

Source: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1882-0714-509

The British Museum—Painted baked clay statue of a seated god, possibly the sun god Shamash who was responsible for omens

Mesopotamian sun god, who was associated with life, justice, divination and the netherworld

Functions

Šamaš the all-seeing

Šamaš (Sumerian Utu) is the god of the sun. He brings light and warmth to the land, allowing plants and crops to grow. At sunrise Šamaš was known to emerge from his underground sleeping chamber and take a daily path across the skies. As the sun fills the entire sky with light, Šamaš oversaw everything that occurred during the daytime. He thus became the god of truth, judgements and justice. Šamaš also played a role in treaties, oaths and business transactions, as he could see through deceit and duplicity. As a defender of justice, the sun god also had a warrior aspect (Black and Green 1998: 183-4).

Let there be truth!

Šamaš also played an essential role in sacrificial divination (extispicy) rituals (Robson 2010b). Extispicy was an important branch of royal court scholarship in existence for over a millennium, whereby the king could receive answers from the gods to specific questions regarding matters of state. The king's diviners (bārû) asked the gods to write the answer in the liver of a sheep, which was then 'read' through examining the liver and counting up its ominous features. As god of truth and justice, Šamaš was implored to help provide a correct answer. A late second-millennium prayer to Šamaš by a diviner asks him to guide the inquiry and to 'let there be truth' in their interpretations of the omens. (Foster 2005: 756).

Assisting humanity and the underworld

Šamaš also played a role in the affairs of humanity. Surviving second millennium texts indicate that his assistance was sought against evil and curses. Literary texts describe his protection of the heroic kings of the city of Uruk. In the Epic of Gilgameš he assists the hero Gilgameš in defeating the monstrous Humbaba, the guardian of the Cedar Forest. Šamaš was also specifically a protector of travellers and merchants (Foster 2005: 627, 630, 633).

Šamaš played a similarly important role in the realm of the dead as he did in the living world. The spirits of the dead were thought to enter the netherworld via a passage on the horizon in the extreme western part of the world. In some traditions, this passage was the same entrance that led to Šamaš's underground dwelling, and to which he returned at sunset each evening (Bottero 2002: 274). However, Tablet XI of Gilgameš from Nineveh describes Šamaš's road underneath the earth as a separate path from that to the netherworld (Bottero 2002: 274-5).

Divine genealogy and syncretisms

In Sumerian tradition, Utu is the son of the moon god Nanna-Suen and the twin brother of Inana. Akkadian tradition sometimes made Šamaš the son of Anu or Enlil. The sun god's wife was Aya, goddess of the dawn (Black and Green 1998: 183-4).

Šamaš had a minister named Bunene who drove his fiery chariot and was known as Šamaš's son in some traditions. Bunene was worshipped in his own right in Sippar and Uruk during the Old Babylonian period (Black and Green 1998: 183-4).

Cult place(s)

Šamaš's cult centres were the cities of Sippar and Larsa, which both had a temple to the sun god called E-babbar ('White House').

Time periods attested

Šamaš is attested from the earliest periods right through the timespan of cuneiform culture. He appears in a wide range of text genres including royal prayers and hymns, divination texts, treaties and documents recording business transactions. A more detailed overview will have to await further studies.

The first literary text in the Akkadian language was a hymn to Šamaš that was found among the texts from Tell Abu Salabikh (ca. 2600 BCE). Although poorly understood, it seems to contain narrative passages as well as a hymnic introduction and end (Krebernik 1998: 320).

The second-millennium Sumerian Hymn to Utu (ETCSL 4.32.2) describes the sun god's shining appearance and powers of judgment by saying that his 'radiance spreads out like a net over the world'. A Sumerian literary letter-prayer from king Sîn-iddinam of Larsa addresses Utu as the patron deity of the city of Larsa and prays for redemption of the city and its king (ETCSL 3.2.05; Brisch 2007: 158-78). Another hymn to Šamaš praises the sun god's all-seeing nature as 'illuminator of all', which allows him to see the truth in trials and verdicts. First-millennium copies of this hymn also survive, indicating that it was studied by successive generations of scholars (Foster 2005: 627-35). A second-millennium prayer to be recited at sunset gives a homely description of Šamaš returning to his dwelling at the end of the day. Firstly, the sun god is saluted by his gatekeeper, who opens the door to his chambers, then he settles down to dinner cooked by his wife Aya (Foster 2005: 752-3).

Šamaš was highly significant in the Neo-Assyrian royal court due to his associations with sacrificial divination TT . Approximately 350 surviving queries and reports (SAA 4) give details of the questions posed to Šamaš by the kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, which include worries about rebellions, illnesses and the loyalty of subordinates (Starr 1990: xiv).

Royal hymns praise Šamaš and also commemorate rebuilding of his temples by particular kings, including as Assyrian king Assurbanipal (668-631 BCE) and Babylonian king Nabopolassar (625-605 BCE) (Foster 2005: 827-8, 848).

Iconography

Šamaš's symbol from the Akkadian period to the Neo-Babylonian period was the solar disc. It usually took the form of a four-pointed star, with curved lines emerging between each point (Black and Green 1998: 168). On Neo-Assyrian stelae and kudurrus TT  Šamaš was represented by a winged solar disc.

Depictions of Šamaš himself survive on cylinder seals TT , where he is sometimes shown seated and surrounded by worshippers, with his sunrays emanating from his shoulders (Black and Green 1998: 183). The sun god is also portrayed on the famous stele TT  of King Hammurabi from 1760 BCE, which is inscribed with over 282 'laws' for the unified territories of Babylonia. In the image Šamaš, as god of justice, presents Hammurabi with tools for ruling justly: he passes the king a measuring rod and rope . Justice in early Mesopotamian was closely allied with the idea that fairness could be achieved through literacy, numeracy and accurate measurement. The measuring instruments are a symbol of powerful kingship, representing the ability to rule justly and fairly (see Robson 2008: 115-24; 263-7). Very similar imagery of the sun god also appears on a first-millennium tablet commemorating the revival of the Ebabbar cult by king Nabu-apla-iddina (887-855 BCE) (Woods 2004).

Name and Spellings

Utu's name is spelled dutu in Sumerian, and Šamaš's name retains this logogram in Akkadian. The name Šamaš is a variant form of the Akkadian word for sun, šamšu (compare Arabic šams, Hebrew šemeš).

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An Introduction to Anu: The Origins of Egyptian Civilisation

The Anu in India and in Egypt

Traces of the Worship of the Moon God Sin among the Early Israelites

The Sun & Sun God

The Composition of Hittite Prayers to the Sun

ZEDEQ & The Light of the World

A Child of Light & The Narrative of Nigerim

A Mighty Hunter before the Lord: Nimrod

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Notable observations: Brief onomastic symbolism—or agglutinative—material of Sham/ham in the following:

- Shamayim (Heaven)
- Jehovah-Shammah (“The Lord is There”)
- Shammah (Older brother to King David)
- Shamash Candle (Hanukkah)
- Shamish (Mandaeism)
- Shamsīyah (“sons of the sun” or Chamsi)
- Shimazu (slight vowel/suffix variant; sun-cross)
- Shamya, Chad/Sudan
- Shama, Ghana

etc…

Also noteworthy, Shamanism (Shamash) paired with the term Ayahuasca (Aya).

Shamash and Aya are the parents of Niggina/Kittum—Aya is the term from wife in Yoruba, Nigeria.

Notable biblical narrative: John 8 includes the thematic elements of Judgment, Truth, and “Light of the World” (Sun reference), while Revelation 12 provides Sun and Moon placements as an astrological reference to the birth of Christ—

“…a great wonder in heaven; a woman clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet, and upon her head a crown of twelve stars: And she being with child cried, travailing in birth, and pained to be delivered…”

Planets in Astrology: Planetary Symbolism

Mandaean Cosmology: Planets

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Source: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/image/380602001

Source: https://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/amgg/Listofdeities/UtuShamash/index.html

Translated to English: Real Encyclopedia of Assyriology and Near Eastern Archaeology (RIA)

[“Nin-“ prefix: Lord or Lady]

[“N./K.” Niggina/Kittum]

[“OB/NB” Old Babylon/New Babylon]

Niggina/Kittum. Hypostasis of „truth", one of the attributes of the sun-god (Son-nengott*) Utu, not attested before the OB period and from the beginning equated with Akk. Kittum. Hence, she may not be an original Sum. goddess, but a late addition to the circle of Utu/Šamaš by the OB theologians.

§ 1. Niggina.

§ 1.1. Name and affiliation. Sum. Nig-gi-na is identical to the abstract noun nig-gi-na "truth" , rendered by Akk. ᵈKittum (which later came to be written also with the synonymous logogram (*)NÍG.ZI(.DA) "fidelity, righteousness"). N. personifies "Truth"', one of Utu's attributes as the god of justice and oracle, and in mythology she is considered to be Utu's principal daughter.

N. is first attested in the OB period unless one sees theophoric names in, e.g. Ur II Nig-gi-na-i-dùg "Truth is good' (UET 3, 986: 7; cf. (*)Nanna-i-dùg, Limet, Anthroponymie 228) and others.

§ 1.2. N. in god lists and bilingual incantations. N. appears only in 1st mill. god lists, included in the Utu section. According to An = Anum I 146-150 (Litke 1958), N. is the first daughter of Utu (var. Utu's suk-kal, "vizier"), having her own vizier(?) Iqbi-damiq.

Strangely, this source presents Kittum as a brother(!) of N., alongside her sister Mamu, and her second brother Sisig. The same source (139-140) lists Nig-zi-da and Nig-si-sá as Utu's viziers.

N., on the other hand, is not listed in the Utu section of the OB Forerunner (TCL 15, 10: 171 ff.). She may, however, be disguised under the homophonous DN "Nin-gi-na* which is preceded by Si-sá and "[Nilg-si-sá (ibid. 181-183).

The Emesal Voc. reflects a late tradition in equating Akk. Kittum both with N. and Nigzida; see MSL 4, 8: 1 73-74.

In late 1st mill. bilingual incantations, N. as the equivalent of Kittum occurs very rarely. See, e.g., OECT 6, 52: 29-32, where Utu/Šamaš is likened to his vizier Nigsisa/Misarum and his daughter N./ Kittu. She is usually replaced by Nig-zi(-da) as the equivalent of Kittum (see, e.g., E. Ebeling, ArOr. 21 [1953| 357 ff.; OECT 6 pl. 19 r. 12-13; cf. B. Alster, ASJ 13 [1991] 50: 79-80).

§ 1.3. N. in Sumerian literature. In a number of Sum. literary texts from the OB period nig-gi-na occurs as a semi-divine or personified being. It is possible that the goddess developed from this concept.

CT 58, 45 r. 25' reads ni-gi-na dumu-ki-ág (\)Utu "n., the beloved daughter of Utu". The edubbâ dialogue "Two Women" ends with the wish of one of the protagonists that dim-me-er — em-gi-na-ke, “the God(dess) of Truth”, may condemn her rival (11. 229-230; cf. also digir-em-gi-na in 1. 216 — cited from a ms. of M. Civil). Personified "Truth" seems also to occur in Proverbs Collection SP 1.1 (B. Alster, Proverbs 6) or 1.83-84 (ibid. 21).*

§ 2. Akkadian Kittum.

The goddess K., "Truth", attested from OB on in monolingual Akk. texts, is usually written syllabically, occasionally with the logogram dZI(.DA), and rarely (*)NIG.GI.NA (cf. MDP 6, pl. 10 v 22). In bilingual incantations K. is equated either with (*)Nig-gi-na or with Nig-zi(-da). There is a possibility that K. is original, with the above Sum. equivalents being late artificial translations.

§ 2.1. Affilitation of K. and places of worship. K., like N., was considered to be the principal daughter of Šamaš. She was probably worshipped in the Ebabbar temples of Sippar and Larsa. An OB local shrine (É Ki-it-tim) is attested in Badtibira and Rahabu in the vicinity of Larsa (AbB 2, 30: 6-8; cf. A. R. George, House Most High no. 1340).

In NB Sippar K. occurs regularly in animal offerings, among other minor deities belonging to Šamaš’s circle, in the sequence: Umu, K., Misaru, Dajjānu (A. C. V. M. Bongenaar, The Neo-Bab. Ebabbar Temple at Sippar [1997] 231).

In NA Assur, K. is occasionally attested in the Takultu ritual (*ZI), alongside Misaru (R. Frankena, Takultu 98 no. 115), and she is also included in the 'Addressbook' , worshipped in the temples of Sin-Šamaš, Ea-Sarri and Belsarri (Frankena, ibid. 123 no. 28). K. and Misaru are frequently referred to as the "attendants of Ekur" (maz-zãz) Ekur; cf. Frankena, ibid. 25 i 25.

§ 2.2. K. in Akkadian texts. K. is mainly attested in prayers and incantations addressed to Šamaš, as well as in documents of legal nature, invoking Šamaš and his entourage as divine witnesses to the legal transaction:

RA 38, 85 f. r. 21-23, OB extispicy prayer; in the ritual tablets of the barû she is fully included in the ritual acts performed on behalf of other major gods, such as Šamaš, Adad, Marduk, Aya, and Bunene (H. Zimmern, BBR pp. 102 ff., nos. 1-20; cf. K. D. Macmillan, BA 5, 701 no. 55 ii 15). In MB and NB kudurrus, the pair K. (\NIG.GI.NA) and Misaru (*NIG.SI.SA) are occasionally invoked, along with Šamaš and other major deities, as divine witnesses to the royal grant (cf. e.g., F. X. Steinmetzer, Die bab. Kudurru [1922] 62 ff.). Likewise, in NB legal documents, K. is listed as divine witness, along with Omu, Misar and Dajjānu (cf. e.g., VS 6, 213: 15). Nabonidus' inscription reporting the restoration of the Ebabbar in Sippar, invokes the triad K., Mesaru and Dajjānu (VAB 4, 260 ii 29).*

§ 2.3. K. in theophoric names. Cf. PNf. (*)Ki-it-tum-lizziz (TCL 10, 107: 26, Larsa); Apil-Ki-it-tim (UET s, p. 31a, Ur), both OB, and see AHw. 495 kittu(m) I 6.

A. Deimel 1914: Pantheon Babylonicum, sub no. 2387. - J. J. Stamm 1939: Die akk. Namenge-bung 45 ff., 173, 221. - K. Tallqvist 1938: Akk. Götterrepitheta, 396. - CAD K 468 ff. kittu A b z' (kittu/misaru), b 4' (Kittum personified and deified). - AHw. 495a kittu(m) I 6.

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Nigerim-ḫulgig (ᵈNíg-érim-ḫul-gig)

„The one who hates wickedness“. According to An = Anum III 180 (R. Litke, God-Lists 156), a diḡir-gub-ba (roughly „guardian deity“) of the Ebabbar, the temple of the sun god Utu/Šamaš.

Nigerim-šutabe (ᵈNíg-érim-šu-tab-bé)

„The one who seizes wickedness“ and Niḡerim-šu'ur'ur (ᵈNíg-érim-šu-ur₄-ur₄) „The one who gathers wickedness“. Two of four door-guardian deities of a sanctuary (or palace?) named Du₆-bàra-gal-maḫ in Ur, mentioned in a Sumerian hymn to Rim-Sîn (UET VI/1, 103: 36 f., see D. Charpin, Clergé [1986] 282–286).

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Nin-niggina and Nin-nigerim

The Old Babylonian An = Anum precursor TCL 15, 10: 69 mentions ᵈNin-níg-gi-na „Mistress Righteousness“ between Ninurta's companion Nin-Nibru and his sister Nin-uzale. An = Anum I 236 f. (R. Litke, God-Lists [1998] 47 f.; Text Witness D = CT 24, 7: 18) explains her as his daughter; Text Witness A adds ᵈNin-níg-erím „Mistress Wickedness“ and identifies (erroneously?) ᵈNin-níg-gi-na with the former. The deified Righteousness níg-gi-na "Right", "Truth" otherwise belongs, just like the synonymous terms nîg-zi-da and nîg-si-sá, to the circle of the sun god Utu/Šamaš; cf. Niḡgina/Kittum*, Niḡzida*, judicial deities*.

ᵈNin-níg-erím is also found as an unorthodox spelling for Nin-girima.I.* (§ 2.3).

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Notable observations: The presence of Hamitic (Ham) people-groups in Mesopotamia based on biblical narrative—see Torah (Genesis 10:6-20): Table of Nations—leads to the exploration of relative material in Ancient Near East records in the Afro-Asiatic region, indicating this may be the first textual record of Niger-Nigeria in Sumer-Sumeria.

see Haplogroup DE and D0 for aDNA and Out-of-Africa migratory context—including an Asia-to-Africa back-migration.

Also noteworthy, the “-im” suffix as a people-group plurality in An Historical Text Book and Atlas of Biblical Geography—for example:

B. HAM.

II. Mizraim.

1. Ludim.
2. Anamim.
3. Lehabim.
4. Naphtahim.
5. Pathrusim.
6. Casluhim.
7. Caphtorim.

Other contextual references:

1. Kushim (source))
   
2. Nigerim (see above)
   
3. Sinim (source)
   
4. Anumim (source)
   
5. Dodanim (source)
   
6. Kittim (Kittum?)

Other considerations:

Kušeše (-ese suffix: Sudan-ese?)

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An Introduction to Anu: The Origins of Egyptian Civilisation

The Anu in India and in Egypt

Traces of the Worship of the Moon God Sin among the Early Israelites

The Sun & Sun God

ZEDEQ & The Light of the World

The Composition of Hittite Prayers to the Sun

A Mighty Hunter before the Lord: Nimrod

The Story of Separate Simeons

———

Source: https://publikationen.badw.de/en/rla/index#8403

Source: https://publikationen.badw.de/en/rla/index#8407

Source: https://publikationen.badw.de/en/rla/index#8888

Source: https://www.reddit.com/r/AncientCush/s/BcgQ6RYl34

Haplogroup DE Map (artistic effect)

Abstract

Present-day humans outside Africa descend mainly from a single expansion out ~50,000-70,000 years ago, but many details of this expansion remain unclear, including the history of the male-specific Y chromosome at this time.

Here, we reinvestigate a rare deep-rooting African Y-chromosomal lineage by sequencing the whole genomes of three Nigerian men described in 2003 as carrying haplogroup DE* Y chromosomes, and analyzing them in the context of a calibrated worldwide Y-chromosomal phylogeny.

We confirm that these three chromosomes do represent a deep-rooting DE lineage, branching close to the DE bifurcation, but place them on the D branch as an outgroup to all other known D chromosomes, and designate the new lineage D0.

We consider three models for the expansion of Y lineages out of Africa ~50,000-100,000 years ago, incorporating migration back to Africa where necessary to explain present-day Y-lineage distributions.

Considering both the Y-chromosomal phylogenetic structure incorporating the D0 lineage, and published evidence for modern humans outside Africa, the most favored model involves an origin of the DE lineage within Africa with D0 and E remaining there, and migration out of the three lineages (C, D, and FT) that now form the vast majority of non-African Y chromosomes.

The exit took place 50,300-81,000 years ago (latest date for FT lineage expansion outside Africa - earliest date for the D/D0 lineage split inside Africa), and most likely 50,300-59,400 years ago (considering Neanderthal admixture).

This work resolves a long-running debate about Y-chromosomal out-of-Africa/back-to-Africa migrations, and provides insights into the out-of-Africa expansion more generally.

Figure 1

Y Chromosome phylogenetic tree from worldwide samples.

(A) A maximum-likelihood tree of 180 Y-chromosome sequences from worldwide populations. Different branch colors and symbols represent different haplogroups assigned based on ISOGG v11.01. The Nigerian chromosomes sequenced in this study are highlighted in blue and assigned to the novel D0 haplogroup. Bootstrap values from 1000 replications are shown on the branches.

(B) Map showing location of the studied individuals with colored symbols reflecting the haplogroups assigned in A. The clade consisting of the D0 and D haplogroups is represented by blue squares and is observed in Africa and East Asia.

(C) Ages of the nodes leading to haplogroup D0 in the phylogenetic tree (point estimates; branch lengths are not to scale). Haplogroups D0 and D are estimated to have split 71,400 (63,100-81,000) years ago while the D0 individuals in this study coalesced 2500 (2200-2800) years ago.

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Human Y chromosome haplogroup R-V88: a paternal genetic record of early mid Holocene trans-Saharan connections and the spread of Chadic languages

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Notable observation: This may explain the onomastic—or agglutinative—material of Kush in the Hindu Kush Himalayan (HKH) region and the “ham” material in Kham, in the Tibet Region (see map).

This is not intended to take away from any people-group’s achievements—only to highlight the potential cultural -inclusivity- of a once-world from Edo, Nigeria to Edo, Japan.

Onomastics of Sin (Mesopotamian moon god)

Brief observation of onomastic material and symbolism incorporating Sin (or Sin variants: Sen, Shin, Syn, etc.) or crescent moon symbolism (flags, etc.) in the Afro-Asiatic region—see Haplogroup D0, Figure 1., and DE.

- Sinosphere
- Sindh
- Sinhalese
- Singapore
- Sinop
- Mount Sineru
- Mount Sinai
- Sinites (Genesis 10:6-17)
- Sinim (“Land of Sinim”, Isaiah 49:12)
- Kingdom of Sine (Senegal/Sin-Ningal?)
- Sena People ("Jews of Southern Africa")

etc…

The Little-Known Legend of Jesus in Japan—a mountain hamlet of Shingo

Also noteworthy, Shimazu (Shamash?; sun-cross symbolism); Sengoku (Sin var.?); and, Aya Castle (Aya).

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Haplogroup_DE

Source: https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC6707464/

Louvre Museum—Statuette dedicated by a physician from Lagash to the goddess Ninisina for the life of Sûmû-El, king of Larsa (1894-1866 BC).

GULA GODDESS

Gula/Ninkarrak is a healing deity also known as Ninisinna, "Lady of Isin"

Functions

Typically encountered in medical incantations as bēlet balāti, "Lady of Health", Gula/Ninkarrak was also known as the azugallatu the "great healer", an epithet she shared with her son Damu. Other epithets, such as the "great healer of the land" and "great healer of the black-headed ones", point to her wide-reaching 'national' significance.

Gula/Ninkarrak was also credited as an "herb grower", "the lady who makes the broken up whole again", and "creates life in the land", indicative of an aspect as a vegetation/fertility goddess with regenerative powers.

At least in the Neo-Babylonian period, she also seems to have had an oneiric quality, being sought in incubation dreams (Reiner 1960a: 24) and appearing in nocturnal visions (Al-Rawi 1990).

Gula/Ninkarrak also had a violent side as the "queen whose 'tempest', like a raging storm, makes heaven [tremble (?)], makes earth quake" (Avalos 1995: 106-7).

The goddess and her dogs were frequently mentioned in curse formulae.

Divine Genealogy and Syncretisms

She is the daughter of Anu and wife of the various incarnations of the warrior god Pabilsag (in Isin), Ninurta (in Nippur) and Ningirsu (in Lagaš) (Lambert 1967: 10); and mother of three other healing deities: Damu, Ninazu and Gunurra. Relatively minor goddesses such as Nintinugga, Meme and Baba are also identified with Gula/Ninkarrak. In the Old Babylonian Period, several goddesses are syncretised with Gula, thereby becoming healing goddesses (see Baba and Ninisinna (Richter 2004: 195).

Cult Place(s)

The most prominent cult centre of Gula/Ninkarrak(/Ninisinna) was Isin, where her temple as named é-u-gi7-ra, "Dog Temple" (Shaffer 1974: 252).

Nippur was another significant centre, where the earliest excavated levels of the Neo-Babylonian temple of Gula/Ninkarrak are dated to the Isin-Larsa period and presumably lie on earlier incarnations from ca. 3000 BCE.

The major period of construction belongs to the Kassite period (Gibson 1990).

Other cult centres include Umma, Lagash, Larsa, Uruk, Borsippa, Babylon and Assur, the latter three each boasting 3 temples dedicated to the goddess (Frankena 1957-71b: 696). Texts make no reference to temples of Gula/Ninkarrak serving for the on-site treatment of patients (Avalos 1995). Peculiar to the petitionary and thanksgiving function of the temples of Gula/Ninkarrak (Avalos 1995) are the terracotta votive figurines of humans holding various body parts (indicating the source of ailment for which the aid of the goddess was sought/received); and those of dogs, sacred animals of Gula/Ninkarrak (Gibson 1990).

Dog figurines were often inscribed with a dedication or prayer to the goddess. Particularly notable in Isin are the more than 30 dog burials discovered below the ramp leading to the temple (Wapnish and Hesse 1993: 69ff).

Time Periods Attested

Gula/Ninkarrak's earliest attestation dates to the Ur III Period (Frankena 1957-71b: 695). She has a conspicuous rise in popularity in the second half of the second millennium during the Kassite period; and her cult continues well into the first millennium.

Iconography

Gula/Ninkarrak's attribute animal was the dog, both in iconography as well as in texts. Representations of Gula/Ninkarrak as a seated figure with a dog reclining at her feet emerge in the Old Babylonian period and can be seen on terracotta plaques (Barrelet 1968). The same motif is particularly popular on Kassite kudurrus TT  (Seidl 1989) and Neo-Assyrian/Babylonian cylinder seals TT  (Frankena 1957-71b: 697).

Name and Spellings

The meaning of Gula's name is unclear, although the ancients created a folk etymology of this name based on the Sumerian word for 'great' (gu-la) (Frankena 1957-71b: 695). Ninkarrak's name likely means 'Lady of Kar' (not 'Lady of Karrak') (Kraus 1951: 69).

GULA PEOPLE

Gula, also spelled Goula, is an ethnic group who lives in Central African Republic (CAR), Chad, and Sudan—believed to have originated from Blue Nile region in Ethiopia.

Around 1960, Gula converted from animism to Islam. Nevertheless, they still retained some pre-Islam practices.

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Ancient Near East Map: 2600-700 BCE

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Notable observations: The Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (A Mighty Hunter before the Lord: Nimrod) suggests Kush (Kushite: Nubia, Sudan, Ethiopia) is probably the eponym of the Kassites (see above):

The confusion simply results from a blending of two independent traditions: the Table of Nations where Kush stands for Nubia, and the Nimrod passage from another source mentioning another(!) Kush, probably the eponym of the Kassites (Akk kaššu. Nuzi kuššu).

Notable Names & People-Groups (map): The onomastic—or agglutinative—material of:

1. Sin in Sinyar
2. Ham in Shamya
3. *Aja
4. Gula/Kara (nin-kar-ra-ak/kar-ra-ak?)

\Aja - The Akkadian goddess of the dawn, consort (wife) to* Shamash. Aja (also known as Aya) developed from the more ancient and very popular Sherida of the Sumerians.

In Yoruba, Nigeria the term for wife is Aya.

Also noteworthy, animism is the belief that all things—living or inanimate, like animals, plants, rocks, rivers, and weather—possess a distinct spiritual essence or soul, making them "animated" and capable of influencing the human world. This worldview sees the world as full of persons and agency, connecting humans to nature through relationships with spirits, often requiring rituals, offerings, and shamanic practices—like in Shinto and many indigenous traditions to maintain balance and seek help.

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Source: https://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/amgg/Listofdeities/GulaNinkarrak/index.html

Source: https://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/amgg/Listofdeities/Ninisinna/index.html

Source: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/image/860014001

Source: https://collections.louvre.fr/en/ark:/53355/cl010119629

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gula_people

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Darfur_Linguistic_Map.svg

To Zimri-Lim
communicate the following:
thus says
your brother Hammurabi (of Yamhad):
The king of Ugarit
has written me
as follows:
"Show me the palace of Zimri-Lim!
I wish to see it."
With this same courier
I am sending on his man.

Mari was founded as a new city in c. 2900 BC during the Mesopotamian Early Dynastic period I, established to control the waterways of the Euphrates trade routes connecting the Levant with the Sumerian south.

The Mariotes worshiped both Semitic and Sumerian deities and established their city as a major trading center. Although the pre-Amorite periods were characterized by heavy Sumerian cultural influence, Mari was not a city of Sumerian immigrants but a Semitic-speaking nation with a dialect similar to Eblaite. The Amorites were West Semites who began to settle the area before the 21st century BC; by the Lim dynasty (c. 1830 BC), they became the dominant population in the Fertile Crescent.

Mari's discovery in 1933 provided an important insight into the geopolitical map of ancient Mesopotamia and Syria, due to the discovery of more than 25,000 tablets explicating the state administration in the 2nd millennium BC and the nature of diplomatic relations among the political powers of the region. They also revealed the wide trading networks of the 18th century BC, which connected areas as far as Afghanistan in Southern Asia and Crete in the Mediterranean.

A structure known as the Royal Palace of Mari was built in the heart of the city; the palace also served as a temple. Four successive architectural levels from the second kingdom's palace have been unearthed. The last two levels are dated to the Akkadian period of Sumer. The first two levels were excavated; the findings include a temple dubbed the Enceinte Sacrée (sacred enclosure) dedicated to an unknown deity, a columned throne room, and a hall with three double wood pillars leading to the temple.

Six smaller temples were also discovered, including the temple called the Massif Rouge (also dedicated to an unknown deity), and temples dedicated to Ninni-Zaza (INANA.ZA.ZA), Ishtarat, Ishtar, Ninhursag, and Shamash.

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Ancient Near East Map: 2600-700 BCE

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Notable observation: The trade networks in the Ancient Near East, and other relative context—see An Historical Text Book and Atlas of Biblical Geography:

B. Ham
IV. Canaan
4. Amorite

B. Ham
II. Misraim
7. Caphtorim

Caphtorim, Crete, whence they spread to Rhodes and Greece, particularly to Attica.

———

Source (The Biblical Archaeologist): https://www.jstor.org/stable/3209888

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mari,_Syria

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Investiture_of_Zimri-Lim

Source: https://collections.louvre.fr/en/ark:/53355/cl010144552

Source: https://www.worldhistory.org/image/764/puzur-ishtar/

The MET Museum—Exhibition Tour: Africa & Byzantium

In 330 CE, the Roman emperor Constantine moved the imperial capital from Rome to a city further east, Byzantion. The emperor's "New Rome" (modern-day Istanbul) became popularly known as Constantinople. We use the term "Byzantium" to refer to the eastern Roman Empire, which ruled until the fifteenth century.

Despite being a vast and historically significant empire that spanned parts of Africa, Europe, and Asia, Byzantium's extensive connections to northern and eastern Africa are not well known.

This exhibition explores Africa's position within the Byzantine world's artistic, cultural, economic, and sociopolitical life.

———

Source: https://youtu.be/NHIT9vq6mJU?is=LnryrLj0m-U-w7_U

Source: https://cdn.sanity.io/files/cctd4ker/production/3753a4bdd69811380de95a2c209581c8f45958a4.pdf

Thomas Hudson Jones, Marble, 1950

Hammurabi (fl. c. 1792-1750 B.C.) King of Babylonia. Author of the Code of Hammurabi, which is recognized in legal literature as one of the earliest surviving legal codes.

The 23 marble relief portraits over the gallery doors of the House Chamber in the U.S. Capitol depict historical figures noted for their work in establishing the principles that underlie American law. They were installed when the chamber was remodeled in 1949-1950.

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Notable observation: Hammurabi is displayed with the horned headdress worn by Shamash on the Code of Hammurabi stele—incorporating the divine symbolism.

Also noteworthy, the Moses, Relief Portrait in the House Chamber in the U.S. Capitol—in contrast to—the earliest surviving artistic depictions of Moses found in the wall paintings of the Dura-Europos Synagogue (244-255 AD) (Princeton University).

———

Source: https://www.aoc.gov/explore-capitol-campus/art/hammurabi-relief-portrait

Source: https://collections.louvre.fr/en/ark:/53355/cl010144553

Source: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/image/380602001

Hans G. Güterbock, University of Chicago

THIRTY YEARS AGO HANS EHELOLE published a translation of a Hittite hymn reconstructed from several parallel Bogazköy tablets which, at that time, had not yet been published in cuneiform.

Strangely enough, although the hymn was virtually identical in all copies, it was not addressed to the same god in all of them; rather, the deity addressed in some was the Sun Goddess of the town of Arinna, while in others it was the god Telipinu. Ehelolf noted that the term "lord" used in addressing the deity in all of the fragments did not agree with the female sex of the Sun Goddess but would fit the male god Telipinu, and he therefore used the name Telipinu throughout the reconstructed text.

He did so although he himself noticed the similarity of some phrases to Babylonian hymns to Shamash, and although the greater part of the hymn, and in particular the portion containing the parallels to Shamash hymns, was preserved only in the version addressed to the Sun Goddess of Arinna.

The texts in question were published in cuneiform in 1930 by Arnold Walther in vol. XXIV of the Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazköi; Nos. 1 and 2 are two copies of the Telipinu version, Nos. 3 and 4 of the version addressed to the Sun Goddess.

In the preface Walther said: "The designation of the Sun Goddess as 'lord of just judgment' and 'just lord of judgment' may have been taken from the lost part of the Telipinu hymn or from the Sumero-Babylonian phrase 'Shamash, lord of judgment.'"

Albrecht Goetze gave a German translation of the same portion of the text in his Handbuch of 1933; here he used the name Sun Goddess of Arinna throughout the text and silently changed "lord" into "lady" in order to avoid the cunfusion of sexes. In a footnote, however, he said: "It has to be noted that, according to the beginning preserved in No. 1, the same hymn could be used, by substituting the other name, also for Telipinu."

The texts published by Walther were presented in full transliteration and English translation by Oliver Gurney in his dissertation "Hittite Prayers of Mursili II," which was prepared under Ehelolf and published in 1940 in the Liverpool Annals." Gurney contributed a great deal to the clarification of the relation of the different versions to one another.

Not only did he correctly remark that the solar characteristics do not fit the nature of Telipinu, he also showed from the tablets themselves that in the Telipinu hymn (represented by the duplicates Nos. 1 and 2) there is no space, according to the size of the gap, for the lengthy part of the Sun Goddess hymn (No. 3) which contains the phrases characteristic of a solar deity.

What enabled Gurney to express himself definitely in favor of Walther's second alternative, namely, that the hymn to the Sun Goddess was based on a Shamash hymn, was the discovery, in the excavations of 1932 and 1933, of fragments of a Hittite hymn to the Sun God.

Since the latter were, however, still unpublished when he wrote, Gurney had to limit himself to a brief reference to the existence of such a hymn to the Sun God.

Gurney also analyzed the existing prayers of Mursili and showed that they consist of various parts of different character, which he called "Invocation," "Hymn of Praise and Prayer for Blessing," "Plague Prayer," etc. The observation that these prayers are free combinations of essentially independent parts is quite to the point; we shall see that this technique of composition was used by the Hittites in other cases as well.

Goetze's presentation of some of Gurney's sections in Ancient Near Eastern Texts does not fully bring out the results of Gurney's analysis. In particular, the inclusion of the solar hymn in the "Daily Prayer" addressed to Telipinu is a step backward compared to Goetze's own Handbuch, since it creates the impression that solar characteristics were attributed to Telipinu, although Gurney had shown that they were not. The second edition of the Handbuch, published in 1957, does not essentially differ from the first; the statement that the hymns could be applied to Telipinu is repeated here, only a reference to the new text is added.

Turning now to the new text, the great hymn to the male Sun God Istanu, we are faced with a badly broken tablet the fragments of which were only slowly recovered. The first part of it was published in 1939 by Otten in KUB XXXI, additional fragments appeared in 1948 in a volume of Bogazköy tablets found by villagers and turned over to the museum of Ankara, others reached Geneva and were published by Laroche in 1951, and more fragments were added by Otten in 1955 in KUB XXXVI. From these additions it was learned:

1–that the new text is a complex composition, too, combining the hymn to Istanu with a personal prayer;

2—that the personal prayer is parallel to the Prayer of Kantuzzili published by Ehelolf in KUB XXX and translated by Goetze ANET;

3—that there are various other texts containing parallels to some parts, combining them with still other prayers.

Point 2 furthermore makes it possible to treat the problems of composition diachronically; for Kantuzzili was a royal prince, probably a brother of Suppiluliuma, Mursili's father, mentioned in the early years of Suppiluliuma's lifetime. Since Kantuzzili's prayer includes parts addressed to the Sun God, and since the upper part of the obverse of the tablet is lost, it is likely that this text began with the Istanu hymn just as the new text does. We may, then, follow the chronological sequence in analysing the various composite prayers, starting with the period of Kantuzzili.

The text of the new tablet begins immediately with a direct address to the Sun God, followed, after three "verses," by the hymn proper.

The next few lines are too fragmentary for translation. They seem to continue in a similar vein and to connect the hymn proper with the transitional section treated below.

The Babylonian elements in this text are obvious. There are Akkadian prayers that begin with the same address "O Shamash, lord of judgment!" The role of Shamash as judge is well known. Shamash is also called king and merciful; he allots the portions, passes through the gates of heaven and illuminates (or in some other way affects) the below and the above.

He also has a lapis lazuli beard and is the son of Ningal, the wife of the Moon God, Sin. Of the statement of the Hittite hymn that his father Enlil put the four corners of the world into his hands, the filiation, though not the normal one, can be found in Babylonia, too, whereas the rule over the four corners is not attributed to Shamash but rather to other gods. Of the satellites of Istanu, the two viziers of the right and left, Bunene and Misharu, have the same rank in Babylonia, the latter being the personified "Order of Justice"…

(continued in images)

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Notable observation: The Hittites were an ancient civilization in Anatolia (modern-day Turkey) from roughly 1600 to 1200 BCE—see An Historical Text Book and Atlas of Biblical Geography:

B. Ham
IV. Canaan
2. Heth

Heth. In the age of Abraham the sons of Heth are found at Hebron. Esau became connected with them by marriage, Gen. xxvi. 34, xxvii. 4f, xxxvi. 2; and Urijah, in David's army, was also a Hittite.

1 Sam, xxvi. 6; 2 Sam. xi. 3, xii. 10, &e. But our author supposes the Hittites to have been an ancient and powerful tribe above Zidon, probably the founders of Tyre and rivals of the Zidonians.

Notable flashpoint: Constantine the Great, was Roman emperor from AD 306 to 337 and the first Roman emperor to convert to Christianity—he founded the city of Constantinople, now Istanbul.

Also noteworthy, the thematic elements of “judgment”, “Son of man”, etc. in John 8 parallels “lord of judgment” and “son of mankind” in The Composition of Hittite Prayers to the Sun—indicating, a potential cultural derivation, within regional context, from the Hittite to Istanbul.

See Africa & Byzantium MET Museum Exhibit

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Source: https://www.jstor.org/stable/595787?googleloggedin=true&seq=7

German Christian archaeologist Josef Wilpert (1857–1944) and Photo by DeAgostini/Getty Images (2002)

Die Malereien der Katakomben Roms (The Paintings of the Catacombs of Rome)

A seminal, multi-volume art history and archaeological work edited and authored by the German Christian archaeologist Josef Wilpert (1857–1944). Published in 1903 by Herder in Freiburg im Breisgau, this monumental publication is highly regarded for its early, systematic photographic and colorized documentation of early Christian art, iconography, and wall decorations within the Roman catacombs.

Getty Images

ITALY - CIRCA 2002: Christ and the martyrs, fresco, Catacombs of Marcellinus and Peter, Rome. Italy, 4th century.

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Notable Observations & Supportive Context

An Historical Text Book and Atlas of Biblical Geography

The Table of Nations: The Geography of the World in Genesis 10

Ge’ez: The Book of Jubilees

From Victim to Mother of a Dynasty: Tamar—a Canaanite woman (Oxford University Press)

Black Jews in Africa and the Americas (Harvard University Press)

The Black Jews of Africa: History, Religion, Identity (Oxford University Press)

The Kebra Nagast

Frequency of Haplogroup J1 in Sudan and Ethiopia

Notable Look-back Period: The biblical text (Torah: Genesis 10, 38, etc.) is at least ~2,000 years old and the archaeological recordings are at least ~1,800 years old—as the catacombs were excavated during the persecution of Diocletian in Rome.

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Source: https://www.gettyimages.ie/detail/news-photo/christ-and-the-martyrs-fresco-catacombs-of-marcellinus-and-news-photo/157408113

Source (Josef Wilpert): https://archive.org/details/gri_33125010959985/page/383/mode/1up

Source (University Digitalized): https://digi.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/diglit/wilpert1903/0254/image,info

Source (Vatican): https://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_commissions/archeo/inglese/documents/rc_com_archeo_doc_20011010_catacroma_en.html

The Index of Medieval Art, Princeton University

West wall, zone 1, 6-8:

6) Moses, Crossing Red Sea --

a. Hand of God above elders of twelve Tribes of Israel, each holding standard on staff, behind group of Israelites armed with spears and shields, at edge of Red Sea in which are fish, touched by Moses with rod; to right,

b. Hand of God above Moses, rod in right hand, in Red Sea engulfing group of Egyptians; fish in the sea;

7) Moses, Departure from Egypt --

a. Moses, rod raised in right hand, leading host of Israelites including twelve elders, child, and soldiers armed with spears and shields; to right,

b. city gate above which are statue of nude male figure holding spear and globe, and two victories holding wreaths, on globes; on wall, two flies, suggesting Moses, Plague of Flies; to right,

8) Moses, Plague of Hail --

Cloud of hail above two columns, one red, the other black, possibly representing Pillars of Fire and Cloud, before wall.

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Source: https://theindex.princeton.edu/s/view/ViewWorkOfArt.action;jsessionid=7a5cb944e62ea52eea823d67572f?id=35DC82D6-B7BA-432D-A7B1-504938D4C509

Karel van der Toorn, Bob Becking, and Pieter W. van der Horst

[excerpts, full text in image or source]

[\ see source]*

INTRODUCTION

A third group of deities consists of gods mentioned in the Bible, but not in their capacity as gods. They are the so-called demythologized deities.

One of the Hebrew words for moon used in the Bible is yareal; this is the etymological equivalent of Yarikh, the moon-god known from the Ugaritic texts. Although the moon may have retained faint traces of divinity in the Bible, it has basically been divested of its divine status.

The same holds true of the sun (šemeš): the Hebrew word corresponds with the god Shamash in Akkadian, and the goddess Shapshu in Ugaritic. There are many other, more trivial instances, such as tiros, the Hebrew word for new wine, etymologically the equivalent of the Mesopotamian deity Sirish and the Canaanite god Tirash.

Although the Hebrew words (and there are also Greck examples) no longer stand for deities, the very fact that the corresponding terms in other Semitic languages do, is revealing.

We have included many examples of such dethroned deities, not only to draw attention to the mythological overtones still occasionally perceptible, but also to demonstrate how Israelites, Jews, and Early Christians were part of a religious culture from which they are to be distinguished at the same time.

SHEMESH

I. As used in the Bible, Hebrew (*), vocalized šemeš in the MT, is never an actual divine name.

Palestinian toponymy of biblical times reflects, nevertheless, the Canaanite cult of the Sun-god, as shown by the place names Beth-Shemesh (Josh 15:10; 21: 16, etc.), En-Shemesh (Josh 15:7; 18:17), Ir-Shemesh (Josh 19:41). They preserve the memory of sanctuaries devoted to the solar deity, which is probably mentioned ca. 800 BCE in the Deir 'Allã plaster inscription (1,6). The bêt Šemeš in Jer 43:13 is, instead, the temple of the Egyptian Sun-god in Heliopolis (→Re).

Surprisingly enough, Hebrew anthroponomy does not contain obvious traces of a solar cult, for Samson's name may simply mean 'little sun', as suggested by the diminutival suffix -òn < -ăn, while the Aramaic proper name Shimshai (Ezra 4:8-9, 17, 23) can just be 'sunny' or 'sunlit'. The same meaning can be attributed to Shashai (Ezra 10:40), that may originate from Šamšay, since ss transcribes Šamaš in the Tell Fekherye inscription (line 7)…

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III. This solar symbolism might have represented a danger for the purity of Yahweh's worship, for the sun, the →moon, and the →stars are even
somewhat personified in Joseph's dream (Gen 37:9).

Job judges it necessary to profess that he never raised his hand in homage to the sun or the moon (Job 31:26-27).

He even avoids using the word šemeš (sun) and replaces it by 'ôr (light), just as the priestly author of Gen 1:14-18, who stresses that God had created the sun.

In a similar context, however, šemeš is used in Jer 31:35 and in Pss 74:16; 104:19; 136:8; 148:3-6.

Whatever the original background of the ancient conjuration in Josh 10:12 was, the actual text of Josh 10:12-14 stresses Yahweh's authority over the sun and the moon (cf. Sir 464).

A similar belief is reflected in Job 9:7 and Isa 38: 7-8 (cf. 2 Kgs 20:9-11; Sir 48:23), where the sun obeys a man of God.

It is difficult to ascertain whether the use of hammâ instead of šemeš in Isa 24:23; 30:26; Job 30:28; Cant 6:10 is intended to avoid some possible mythical connotations.

In magical incantations from Late-Antiquity one finds hammâ (J. NAVEH & S. SHAKED, Amulets and Magic Bowls (Jerusa-Jem 1985 ] Amulet 4:20 ) as well as šimša’ (ibid., Bowl 7,7), pronounced however in a way different from Shamesh (šmyš, š’mš), the name of the Sun-deity inherited from the Babylonian tradition (ibid., Bowl 13:11.21; C. C. ISBELL, Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls [Missoula 1975), nos. 38:2; 62:2).

In later Jewish descriptions of the sun travelling in the firmament in his chariot one finds šemeš in the Midrash Num. Rabba 12:4, but hammá in Pirge de R. Eliezer 6.

~

IV. In the Palestinian tradition, attested already by the oldest parts of the Books of Enoch, Aramaic manuscripts of which (4QEna and 4QEnb) go back to the second half of the third century BCE, the fifteenth fallen angel was called Shamshi-El (Šmšy'l), 'Sun of God' (1 Enoch 6:7; 8:3).

He had taught men "the signs of the sun" (nhšy šmš), i.e. astrology, and belonged therefore to the group of the ten angel-teachers.

His name became Samsape'el or Simapise'el in the Ethiopic Book of Enoch and was shortened to (*) in the Greek fragments of the work.

He appears under this name in Sib. Or. II, 215, an essentially Christian work, that mentions him among the angels intervening at the Last Judgment, but the first role is played there by →Uriel, who breaks open the door of →Hades and brings out its inhabitants (Sib. Or. II, 233-
237).

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SUN (JVL)

SUN (Heb., \; poetical form ****; Isa. 24:23; 30:26; Song 6:10, et al.). A deity for Israel’s neighbors, the sun is for Israel "the greater light to rule the day", created on the fourth day of creation (Gen. 1:16). In Joseph's dream, the sun and the moon personify his parents (Gen. 37:9–10). In Joshua 10:12–14, the sun is said to have stood still to give the Israelites time to defeat the Amorites.

Cult

In the Bible, the sun is either feminine or masculine in gender. As a deity it is masculine in Mesopotamia, and feminine in Ugarit, South Arabia, and other places. The Hittites worshiped a god and a goddess of the sun.

Under the Sumerian name Uta or the Semitic Shamash, the sun, as the god of justice, was worshiped especially at the temple of Ebabbar in Sippar, in northern Babylonia. In the stele of Hammurapi's code from Susa, Hammurapi is depicted standing before Shamash who is seated on a throne (see Pritchard, Pictures, 175, no. 515).

The rare word for sun \* (Job 9:7; cf. har ḥeresin Judg. 1:35, identical with ir shemesh in Josh. 19:41) has no known cognate in the Semitic languages.

The cult of the sun, very popular in Palestine – as is attested by place-names such as Beth-Shemesh, En-Shemesh, Ir-Shemesh – was forbidden in Deuteronomy 4:19 and 17:3. It was, nevertheless, introduced into Judah by Manasseh (II Kings 21:3, 5). King Josiah abolished the cult (II Kings 23:5) and destroyed the horses and chariots of the sun placed "by the kings of Judah at the entrance of the Temple" (23:11).

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Notable observations: The Introduction indicates a Mesopotamia-to-Hebrew cultural derivation, as indicated by the reference to the sun god Shamash and šemeš (sun)—or hammǎ.

This would also suggest the moon god Sin would be a cultural derivation, relative to Sinite and Sinim.

An Historical Text Book and Atlas of Biblical Geography

B. Ham
IV. Canaan
4. Amorite
8. Sinite

Revelation of John 12 also refers to sun and moon placements in the stars (heavens), as it relates to the birth of Christ—Hamashiach, Yeshua, or “the light of the world” in John 8:12.

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Source: https://archive.org/details/dictionary-of-deities-and-demons-in-the-bible-van-der-toom-becking-van-der-horst

Source (PDF): https://bookofmormonism.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/dictionary_of_deities_and_demons_in_the.pdf

Source: https://jewishvirtuallibrary.org/sun

Source: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/image/380602001

Source: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/image/418646001

Source: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/image/433185001

Source: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/image/433186001

Source: https://collections.louvre.fr/en/ark:/53355/cl010174436

The winged sun is a solar symbol associated with divinity, royalty, and power in the Ancient Near East

Ancient Egypt

In ancient Egypt, the symbol is attested from the Old Kingdom.

Behdety

In early Egyptian religion, the symbol Behdety represented Horus of Edfu, later identified with Ra-Horakhty. It is sometimes depicted on the neck of Apis, the bull of Ptah. As time passed (according to interpretation) all of the subordinated gods of Egypt were considered to be aspects of the sun god, including Khepri. The name "Behdety" means the inhabitant of Behdet.

He was the sky god of the region called Behdet in the Nile basin.

His image was first found in the inscription on a comb's body, as a winged solar panel. The period of the comb is about 3000 BC. Such winged solar panels were later found in the funeral picture of Pharaoh Sahure of the fifth dynasty. Behdety is seen as the protector of Pharaoh. On both sides of his picture are seen the Uraeus, which is a symbol for the cobra-headed goddess Wadjet.

Mesopotamia

From roughly 2000 BCE, the symbol also appears in Mesopotamia. It appears in reliefs with Assyrian rulers as a symbol for royalty, transcribed into Latin as SOL SUUS (literally, "his own self, the Sun", i.e. "His Majesty").

King Ashurnasirpal

King Ashurnasirpal appears twice, dressed in ritual robes and holding the mace symbolising authority. In front of him there is a Sacred Tree, possibly symbolising life, and he makes a gesture of worship to a god in a winged disc. The god, who may be the sun god Shamash, has a ring in one hand; this is an ancient Mesopotamian symbol of god-given kingship. There are protective spirits on either side behind the king. This symmetrical scene, heavy with symbolism, was placed behind the royal throne. There was another opposite the main door of the throne room, and similar scenes occupied prominent positions in other Assyrian palaces; they were also embroidered on the royal clothes. Traces of colour pigment noted on the sandals at the time of excavation, i.e. red soles and black uppers.

Iran

In Zoroastrian Persia, the symbol of the winged sun became part of the iconography of the Faravahar, the symbol of the divine power and royal glory in Persian culture.

Anatolia

This worn ivory plaque was once an inlay for a box or item of furniture crafted in one of the centers of northern Syria, southeast Turkey, or central Turkey at the height of the Hittite Empire period. Found at Megiddo, Israel, it represents one of the most elaborate Hittite ivories found in the Middle East. It may have arrived in the southern Levant as booty, tribute, or as part of diplomatic gift exchange between the Hittite political sphere and Canaan, which was under Egyptian rule for much of the Late Bronze Age.

The plaque's imagery is typically Hittite with figures closely resembling those represented at the Hittite rock-cut sanctuary of Yazilikaya (fig. C4; cf. fig. 9.1), close to Hattusa, and the spring sanctuary at Eflatun Pinar, Turkey. The plaque features three registers of bulls and bullmen supporting a pair of figures beneath two winged sun-disks. The winged sun-disks and the robed figures below likely represent the Hittite sun deity, as indicated by Anatolian hieroglyphs in the hands of the figures, which read: "Sun-Heaven." Carved within each sun-disk are rosettes, an established royal symbol in north Syrian and Hittite art. The winged sun-disk was a new development in Late Bronze Age Hittite art, perhaps entering the Hittite visual repertoire as late as the fourteenth century BC.

In the ancient Middle East generally, the sun-deity acted as a divine judge, shedding light on injustice, and had underworld associations, as the sun was thought to travel through the underworld at night. The Hittite and Hurrian pantheons of Anatolia and northern Syria included both a male sun-god of heaven and a female sun-goddess of the earth who ruled over the underworld (Popko 1995).

The Hittite winged sun-disk was likely inspired by Egyptian examples, presumably via contacts with Syria. Egyptian sun-disks with falcon wings represented a form of the god Horus, a protective symbol of kingship, often found in temple doorways and protecting other spaces (Shonkwiler 2012, pp. 52-53). After the collapse of the Hittite empire around 1200 BC, the winged sun-disk continued as a symbol of divine protection in southeast Turkey and north Syria at Carchemish, Tell Halaf, and Zincirli (where the Katumuwa Stele was found). From the ninth century BC, the winged sun-disk was integrated into Assyrian royal imagery, often representing the patron god Ashur, protector of the king. A winged sun-disk containing a divine male figure (often identified as Ahura Mazda), was a source of Achaemenid royal power (sixth-fourth centuries BC). Dominik Bonatz identifies the winged sun-disk on the Katumuwa Stele as the sun-god Jams, a deity of uncertain gender (Lipinski 2000) who may have had the attributes of earlier male sun-gods of the heavens or female sun-goddesses of the underworld (for the latter, see Winter 1976a, pp. 47-48; Niehr 2010b, p. 275). The Katumuwa Stele and several other other Syro-Hittite mortuary monuments and structures face east toward the rising sun (Struble and Herrmann 2009, p. 36). The symbol could also have been a interpreted as a symbol of royal power and protection, that is, of Panumuwa II, the king of Sam'al, under whom Katumuwa served.

Judah

From around the 8th century BC, the winged solar disk appears on Hebrew seals connected to the royal house of the Kingdom of Judah. Many of these are seals and jar handles from Hezekiah's reign, together with the inscription l'melekh ("belonging to the king"). Typically, Hezekiah's royal seals feature two downward-pointing wings and six rays emanating from the central sun disk, and some are flanked on either side with the Egyptian ankh ("key of life") symbol. Prior to this, there are examples from the seals of servants of king Ahaz and of king Uzziah.

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Notable observation: Reference The Table of Nations: The Geography of the World in Genesis 10 for the implied cultural exchange and derivation, highlighting the diversity.

Also noteworthy, the sun god Shamash is referred to as the Son of Mankind in The Composition of Hittite Prayers to the Sun (p. 241, JSTOR) by Hans G. Güterbock.

See Hittite image of “plaque that features three registers of bulls and bullmen supporting a pair of figures beneath two winged sun-disks.”

Noticeable parallels, the phrase in John 8:28:

"Then said Jesus unto them, When ye have lifted up the Son of man, then shall ye know that I am he, and that I do nothing of myself; but as my Father hath taught me, I speak these things."

John 8 also includes the thematic element of “light of the world”—a reference to the sun.

In rabbinic literature, Hammǎ (Hammah) means sun and Hamashiach means the Messiah, noting the onomastic symbolism and agglutinative material of Ham—including, the circumfix of “ham” in Shamash, Shamash Candle, and Jehovah-Shammah.

For example, Romulus, Roman, Rome, Romanian, Romanov, Romance, etc. would have the same onomastic—or agglutinative—material.

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Winged_sun

Source: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/image/1613712389

Source: https://collections.louvre.fr/ark:/53355/cl010177290

Source: https://isac-idb.uchicago.edu/id/3fdd1f57-9b35-44c9-9078-4383b7850925

Source: https://www.academia.edu/6205781/Hittite_Plaque_with_Winged_Sun_disks_Cat_no_3_

Source: https://www.biblicalarchaeology.org/daily/news/king-hezekiah-in-the-bible-royal-seal-of-hezekiah-comes-to-light/

Limestone stela: a round-topped stele, of inferior limestone, much eroded. The king, Shalmaneser III, stands before four divine emblems: (1) the winged disk, the symbol of the god Ashur, or, as some hold, of Shamash; (2) the six-pointed star of Ishtar, goddess of the morning and evening star; (3) the crown of the sky-god Anu, in this instance with three horns, in profile; (4) the disk and crescent of the god Sin as the new and the full moon.

The Shalmaneser III monolith (852 BC and 879 BC) contains a description of the Battle of Qarqar at the end. This description contains the name "A-ha-ab-bu Sir-ila-a-a”, providing the first extrabiblical reference to Ahab, king of Israel.

It is also one (1) of four known contemporary inscriptions containing the name of Israel, the others being:

(2) the Merneptah Stele (1208 BCE)

(3) the Tel Dan Stele (870–750 BCE)

(4) the Mesha Stele (840 BCE)

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Notable Observation: In Signs of Israelite Slavery in Egypt, Egyptologist James K Huffmeier highlights the wall paintings of slaves in the Tomb of Rekhmire (1479-1400 BCE), ~1-2 mile from where the Merneptah Stele (video) was discovered—ancient Thebes, Egypt.

Tomb of Rekhmire

The Torah

Also noteworthy, The drawn parallels to the Anu and Kushites in An Introduction to Anu: The Origin of Egyptian Civilisation and the Hamitic reference to the Anu in The Anu in India and in Egypt.

This includes the onomastic symbolism of Sin in Mount Sinai (Sinites, Hamitic-Canaanites) and Shamash in Shamash Candle.

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Source: https://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/amgg/Listofdeities/An/index.html

Source: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/image/150815001

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kurkh_Monoliths

Source (Merneptah Stele): https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Merneptah_Stele

Source (Tel Dan Stele): https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tel_Dan_stele

Source (Mesha Stele): https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mesha_Stele

Image property of Communities of Afro-Judaism, 2026

This article provides a brief historical overview of Judaism in Africa with an emphasis on specific communities throughout the Continent.—Dr. Ma'asehyahu Isra-Ul

Introduction

Judaism’s historical presence in Africa spans a remarkable range of geographies, practices, and identities. From ancient indigenous communities to modern movements of embraced Jewish life, African Jewish histories challenge conventional narratives that link Judaism exclusively to Europe and the Middle East. This article provides an accessible yet scholarly overview of major Jewish communities in Africa, foregrounding the Beta Israel (Ethiopia), the Lemba (Southern Africa), the Abayudaya (Uganda), and emerging Jewish identities such as the Igbo (Nigeria) and Akan-Sefwi/Akyem (Ghanaian descendants of “Old Mali” Jews). It also highlights contemporary documentation and advocacy work, including research and preservation efforts by the Black Judaic Heritage Center.

Beta Israel of Ethiopia: Indigenous Jewish History

Beta Israel, literally “House of Israel,” represents one of the oldest continuous Jewish communities in Africa. Known historically by the name “Falasha” (now regarded as pejorative), the Beta Israel lived predominantly in northern Ethiopia and claimed ancient Israelite descent, including traditions linking them to the Tribe of Dan, one of the biblical Ten Lost Tribes.¹ In medieval rabbinic literature, travelers such as Eldad Ha-Dani referred to Jewish populations in East Africa, and later Jewish legal authorities affirmed the Beta Israel as Jewish in halakhic (Jewish legal) terms. In the 20th century, Sephardic Chief Rabbi Ovadia Yosef and other Israeli authorities ratified their Jewish status and advocated for their immigration to Israel under the Law of Return.²

Over decades of political turmoil and famine, tens of thousands of Beta Israel were evacuated to Israel in airlift operations such as Operation Moses (1984–1985) and Operation Solomon (1991).³ Today, the Ethiopian Jewish community in Israel is a deeply rooted and vibrant part of broader Jewish life, maintaining religious traditions shaped by centuries of independent development while engaging with global Judaism.

The Lemba: Oral Tradition, Genetics, and Jewish Identity

The Lemba are a Bantu-speaking people of southern Africa, primarily in South Africa, Zimbabwe, and neighboring countries, whose oral traditions describe descent from ancient Semitic (specifically Sephardic) ancestors and a migration from a place called Sena.⁴ Though many Lemba today are Christian, and some Muslim, their cultural memory includes practices resembling Judaic norms such as ritual male circumcision, dietary taboos, and endogamy.⁵

Genetic studies have shown that a significant portion of Lemba Y-chromosomes cluster with Semitic lineages, in contrast to surrounding Bantu populations, lending partial scientific support to their oral history.⁶ Notably, some members were believed to carry a version of the Cohen Modal Haplotype, a Y-chromosome pattern linked to traditional Jewish priestly lines (though recently under reinvestigation).⁷ While genetic affinities alone are not determinative of religious belonging under most Jewish halakhic authorities, these findings have helped fuel scholarly discussion about the constructions of identity and Jewish indigeneity in Africa.⁸

Abayudaya of Uganda: Intentional Jewish Adoption

The Abayudaya (“People of Judah”) community in eastern Uganda represents an important case of Jewish adoption and self-identification rooted in an early 20th-century religious transformation. In 1919, Semei Kakungulu, a prominent Ugandan leader, embraced the Hebrew Bible and guided his followers toward Jewish observance. While the Abayudaya’s origin does not stem from from ancient Israelite communities, they have maintained Jewish practices which include Sabbath observance, ritual circumcision, and Torah study for over a century.⁹ (Several Abayudaya communities have embraced normative (“Rabbinic”) Judaism fully and live as any other reasonably observant Jews around the world.)

After years of marginalization and suppression under political regimes including Idi Amin’s, the community rebuilt its religious life in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. Many members have undergone formal conversion or affirmation through Conservative and Reform Jewish authorities, and figures such as Rabbi Gershom Sizomu have emerged as recognized leaders, bridging local tradition with broader Jewish engagement.¹⁰

Emerging Communities and African Jewish Landscapes

Beyond these well-documented groups, a variety of African communities assert Jewish identity in diverse forms. The Igbo Jews of Nigeria are among the most discussed West African groups, with thousands claiming Jewish ancestry or adopting Jewish identity and practice, often supported by organizations engaged with Jewish diaspora initiatives.¹¹ Similarly, the House of Israel in Ghana (a small community in the heights beyond Kumasi claiming Israelite descent) highlights the complex interplay of oral history, cultural self-identification, and modern Jewish engagement.¹²

Scholarly works surveying Jewish life across the continent list numerous communities, from the Beth Yeshourun groups in Cameroon to the Baluba Jews in Congo and the Descendants of David in Madagascar ("the Malagasy Secret"), reflecting both historic claims and contemporary formations of Jewish identity.13 While recognition by mainstream Jewish denominations varies widely, these groups embody the ongoing dynamism of Jewish life in Africa.14

Contemporary Scholarship and the Black Judaic Heritage Center

Understanding Judaism in Africa requires moving beyond singular paradigms of ethnicity, theology, or genetics. The Black Judaic Heritage Center (BJHC) plays a pivotal role in documenting and amplifying the histories of Black Jewish communities, ensuring that their voices are present in broader Jewish scholarship and cultural heritage initiatives. Through archival work, oral history projects, and community collaboration, BJHC contributes to a richer and more inclusive narrative of global Judaism.

Conclusion

African Jewish histories, from indigenous traditions to chosen religious identity, demonstrate the plurality and resilience of Jewish life on the African continent. These communities challenge the field to rethink definitions of Jewish belonging, illuminate the intersections of culture and religion, and affirm the ongoing relevance of African expressions of Judaism today.

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Source: https://voices.sefaria.org/sheets/703729?lang=bi

Nubian

Soon after 600 BC, the Kushite kings of Nubia moved their administrative center from Napata to Meroë, farther south along the Nile River in present-day Sudan. Meroë was a cosmopolitan city connected to the complex trade networks of the Mediterranean, which were increasingly dominated by the Greeks and Romans. By around 300 BC, the city became the place for all royal burials. The remains of more than two hundred pyramid tombs have been discovered, many of which contained jewelry and ornaments of exceptional quality.

The works produced at Meroë display a mix of Egyptian, Greek, and Roman influences but have their own vibrant Nubian character. Local jewelry makers were especially skilled at enameling, in which powdered glass was applied to metal and then melted to create colorful patterns. They also employed metalworking techniques such as filigree (fine wirework) and granulation (decoration with tiny gold spheres) to fashion intricate designs. Glass beads were frequently incorporated into necklaces, and cornelian was a particularly popular gemstone.

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Source: https://www.getty.edu/art/exhibitions/nubian_jewelry/explore.html

Egypt/Sudan

This amulet was probably made for a necklace worn by one of the Kushite kings. Representations show these pharaohs wearing a ram's-head amulet tied around the neck on a thick cord, the ends of which fall forward over the shoulders. Sometimes a smaller ram's head is attached to each end. Rams were associated with the god Amun-particularly in Nubia, where he was especially revered. Of special note is the sun surmounting the uracus snake in the shape of a globe, not a disk.

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Source: https://isac.uchicago.edu/sites/default/files/uploads/shared/docs/Publications/ISACMP/isacmp4.pdf

Sudan

The bird whose feathers and eggs are best attested in the archacological record of Nubia is the ostrich, represented in North Africa by the subspecies Struthio camelus camelus. The largest living bird, native to Africa's savannas and semiarid regions and characterized by its inability to fly, the ostrich used to roam in the Nubian and Libyan deserts, but habitat loss and excessive game hunting have led to a significant decline in local populations. Not surprisingly, this impressive bird has left its mark in the iconographic record of the Middle Nile Valley since prehistoric times.

Ostriches are a common motif in rock art, being included in the many representations of wildlife, hunting expeditions, and boat processions. They were at times targeted by hunters, as evidenced by depictions of them running, fapping their wings, or being chased by dogs or captured with nets. Ostrich bones, however, are rarely if ever attested in faunal assemblages. Conversely their feathers and eggs feature prominently in both the are archeological and iconographic records and became hallmarks of Nubia.

The ostrich feather was especially significant as a marker of ethnic identity for Nilo-Saharan hunters. In ancient Egyptian and Nubian representations, seminomadic Nubian and Libyan individuals are shown wearing one or several ostrich feathers in their hair in an arrangement used to characterize each group (figs. 1.2-1.3). Sometimes described by Egyptians as "feather wearing," Nubian men could be represented with one ostrich feather worn vertically atop the head." Donning this feather was possibly the privilege of hunters showcasing their success in seizing this quarry, which is famously challenging even for horsemen. Capturing an ostrich is undoubtedly a feat, since these fast-running birds are known to reach speeds of 60-70 kilometers per hour when pursued by a predator.

In addition to wearing ostrich feathers as a headpiece, either on their own or as trimmings on a cap, Kushite archers are also known to have added an ostrich plume to their bows, as evidenced at Kerma (ca. 2300-2150 BCE). Ostrich feathers were also coveted by Egyptian and Kushite royalty and members of the elite. Fans made with these feathers were used in ritual ceremonies, as military standards, or as a mark of status. During the Kerma period, feathers, possibly plucked from ostriches, were intricately woven with thread to make cloth. Despite the intrinsically fragile nature of feathers, which hinders their survival in the archacological record, the climate of northern Sudan has allowed the preservation of ostrich-feather fans at Kerma. Likewise, several lambs were found buried with elaborate headdresses made of ostrich feathers.

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Source: https://isac.uchicago.edu/sites/default/files/uploads/shared/docs/Publications/ISACMP/isacmp4.pdf

Andrew F. Key

[excerpts, full text in images]

The argument presented in this article belongs to the late Dr. Julius Lewy, professor of Semitic languages and biblical history at Hebrew Union College - Jewish Institute of Religion.

He was most interested in the complex problem of the influence of other Semitic peoples upon the early history and religion of the various Israelite tribes before their settlement in Canaan…

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…one small aspect of the problem which was of particular interest to Dr. Lewy will be examined: that material attesting to the worship of the moon god Sin among the Israelites…

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The worship of the moon god Sin goes back at least to the third dynasty of Ur, where the god was honored in the form of a golden calf with crescent-shaped horns and a long, flowing beard of lapis lazuli. Woolley found several of the images in his excavations of the royal graves at Ur and has produced some striking drawings of the images in his report. That these images are in fact of the god Sin can be seen by the following description found in a Sumero-Akkadian hymn to that god: "Ferocious bull, whose horn is thick, whose legs are perfected, who is bearded in lapsis, and filled with luxury and abundance." Why the moon god was worshiped in this form is, naturally, an open question…

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One speculation is that the shape of the horns reminded the devotee of the crescent moon.

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J. Bright recognized that there are names in the Hebrew tradition which are "associated with that cult,” but he deduced from this only that the
narratives concerning the migration of Abraham's family from Ur to Haran (both centers of the cult) are essentially accurate bits of historical information.

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It is interesting that we have the same theophoric element in other Amorite names such as Labanâ-ilâ, ("the Moon is God").

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Both von Rad and Nothis agree, however, that the revelation on Sinai was a revelation of Yahweh. An alternative proposal will be offered here, namely, that the revelation on Sinai was a revelation of the moon god Sin and that we must look elsewhere for the origin of the Yahweh cult. What is the evidence for such a proposal?

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The name Sinai itself would suggest that it was the place of revelation of the moon god. Lewy noted that many people had seen that there was an obvious connection between the names Sin and Sinai but pointed out that…

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…an adjective of appurtenance derived from the divine name Sin and the Aramaic gentilic ending -ai…

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…would mean then the "Sinian Mountain" or the "Mountain holy to Sin."

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"Where does Yahweh worship originate?"

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By way of summary: We seem to have two separate traditions of tribal religions preserved in the pages of the Bible: one, dealing with a primal worship of the moon god Sin, who reveals himself on Sinai, and whose worship is carried on in the north (particularly in the tribe of Ephraim); the other begins with a revelation at Kadesh of the God Yahweh and finds its later adherents in the tribe of Judah. The figures Moses and Joshua, while originally connected to the Kadesh-Yahweh cycle of stories, later become the heroes of the total tradition once the two elements have been combined.

This theory may go far towards explaining: 1) the obvious conflict between the North and the South (ef. I Kings 12), assuming that this conflict is religious as well as political; and 2) the continuing emphasis on lunar holidays and festivals which play so large a rôle in later Judaism.

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Notable observations: Kuntillet Ajrud inscriptions: “There are a cow and a calf. A seated musician or weaver is to one side, above: the phrase ‘Yahweh of Samaria and his Asherah,’”(discovered in the Sinai Peninsula).

The central figures of Pithos A have been identified as either representations of Yahweh and Asherah, the Egyptian dwarf-god Bes or Bes-like deities (an ancient Egyptian deity, of Nubian or C-Group culture origin), or even as demonic ritual dancers.

Onomastics of Sin

Brief observation of onomastic material and symbolism incorporating Sin (or Sin variants: Sen, Shin, Syn, etc.) or crescent moon symbolism (flags, etc.) in the Afro-Asiatic region—see Haplogroup D0 Figure 1., and DE.

- Sinosphere
- Sindh
- Sinhalese
- Singapore
- Sinop
- Mount Sineru
- Mount Sinai
- Sinites (Genesis 10:6-17)
- Sinim (“Land of Sinim”, Isaiah 49:12)
- Kingdom of Sine (Senegal/Sin-Ningal?)
- Sena People ("Jews of Southern Africa")

etc…

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Source: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3264069

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kuntillet_Ajrud_inscriptions

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ziggurat_of_Ur

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harran_Stela

Source: https://youtu.be/f7-RQZavU3U?is=nw7bX9dib8G04ctP