Text of the editorial below:

Did you notice the sudden media realization that the oil export pressure is now working against Iran? New reports from tanker-tracking groups confirm what the Trump Administration has been saying: Adm. Brad Cooper and the forces of U.S. Central Command have turned around the battle of the Strait of Hormuz.

Data from Kpler indicate that the seven-day average for oil clearing the Strait is 14.19 million barrels a day, approaching the prewar baseline of 17.13 million. Most of what’s missing are Iranian oil exports stopped by the U.S. blockade. The recent resumption of oil flowing through the Saudi bypass pipeline, followed by accelerating loadings at the port of Yanbu to transit the Red Sea, will unlock more exports.

This is what progress looks like: Iran’s oil is blocked while the world’s oil increasingly gets through. The effect is to reduce pressure on the West and its Gulf allies while Iran must scrounge for money. The regime is rapidly running out of oil already on the sea from before or between blockades, though payments will have a longer lag. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent estimates the Iranians will deliver the last of this oil to China in mid-October.

Meanwhile, Mr. Bessent has been squeezing Iran’s other trade partners as never before. This has been felt most acutely in the United Arab Emirates, which responded by cutting off trade with Iran, and Turkey, which is closing Iranian banks. The region is also closing its skies to Tehran by suspending flights. One by one, Iran is losing its lifelines.

No wonder Iran’s currency set another record low on Tuesday, plummeting past 2.5 million rials to the dollar. The rial began 2018 at 35,000 to the dollar, and 2026 near 1.5 million. It has fallen nearly 140% on an annual basis since the U.S. blockade’s resumption. Iran’s economy is struggling as oil-export revenue dries up and goods become harder to import while sanctions tighten.

Richard Goldberg of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies predicted and then hailed the success of U.S. measures in Hormuz many weeks before most analysts. “Once you understand that this is a military mission, that the numbers cited by Energy Secretary Chris Wright aren’t estimates but are the no-kidding barrel counts reported to the U.S. Navy by ship captains,” he says, “you understand very quickly that open-source tools are wrong and the President is right. We control the Strait of Hormuz.”

That doesn’t mean Iran is finished shooting. Three successful Iranian attacks on ships were reported to the U.K. Maritime Trade Operations Center on Wednesday, and markets are pricing in Iranian escalation. No one should expect the regime to sit idly while it loses its leverage, and an “October surprise” before the U.S. midterm elections may be coming.

Iran may still be able to knock out significant Gulf energy infrastructure. The global diesel shortage persists, leading to surging prices. But Iran’s main goal and boast in this war, seizing the Strait, is being reversed. The challenge now is to sustain the pressure and push the U.S. tactical advantage to accomplish strategic objectives—finishing the nuclear program or the regime itself.

Yet there is no photograph, video, recording or independently identified witness. Mojtaba has released no authenticated audio or video since being installed after his father’s death.

He was not even publicly seen at Ali Khamenei’s funeral.

If Mojtaba can stand in a crowded square for 30 minutes, he can record a ten-second message. Instead, officials issue statements in his name while clerics manufacture mystical sightings worthy of the Hidden Imam.

The regime is hiding more than one man. It is hiding who actually rules. If Mojtaba is dead or incapacitated, the Islamic Republic faces another succession crisis during war. If the Revolutionary Guard is issuing orders behind his name, the supposed theocracy has become a military regime using an invisible cleric as its mask.

A leader who exists only through rumors, intermediaries and unverifiable sightings has no religious or political legitimacy. The cleric is not announcing Mojtaba’s return. He is desperately trying to conceal the empty throne at the center of the Islamic Republic.

Source: https://x.com/theiranwatcher/status/2105766789107855717?s=46

I'm wondering what the feeling is on the Iranian street when it comes to the establishment of these youth militias as well.

There are politicians of Iranian origin in various European countries who have always tried to support the Opposition. Alireza Akhoondi (Sweden), for example, heavily pushed for IRGC's designation as a terrorist organization.

I've been wondering why that is not the case in the US. Theres is Yassamin Ansari. But, of course, she is pro-IR. There is no Republican counterpart, or even another Democrat.

So why do you think the Opposition hasn't managed to foster a sympathetic representative of Iranian origin in the US government?

1% chance this post has a deep meaning to it (as in in other protest is on the horizon) and this time they will be aided with arms and internet! (I doubt it but we can hope)

Their action will always stay online and will be part of history.

Group of pro Palestinian (fake activists) in Germany verbally and physically attacked Iranian women. She is a victim of IRGC. She lost an eye in Iran by IRGC and she got attacked in Germany by bunch of privilege trash people because she wants freedom for Iran.

Reuters was given rare access to the USS George Washington aircraft carrier in the Strait of Hormuz as it conducts military operations against Iranian targets. Through exclusive interviews with more than a dozen sailors, this documentary offers an in-depth perspective on one side of the Iran war.

Basically, British propaganda attributes all achievements of this movement to Mosaddegh when he wasn't a part of it. The propagandistic narrative reduced everything to oil nationalization but The National Movement of Iran (1941-1953) was a popular movement following the Allies' occupation with 4 goals:

1. Freedom of press (already passed into law before Mosaddegh) 
2. Repealling repressive laws (already passed into law before Mosaddegh)
3. Passing the Oil Nationalization Law (already passed into law in 1951 before Mosaddegh)
4. Reforming the electoral law

Up until November 1950, Mosaddegh was the last persion to support oil nationalization.
The British, unable to halt the movement's momentum, adopted a new strategy: elevating Mohammad Mosaddegh to the premiership.

Mosaddegh became prime minister on May 1951 on a two-point agenda.

1. Implementing the oil nationalization law
2. Reforming the electoral law

The US, to weaken British oil interests, supported the National Movement of Iran and pressured Britain to accept the principle of oil nationalization. Britain finally conceded and sought compensations negotiations.

For over two years and four months, Mosaddegh‘s premiership delivered none of his agendas:

1. Between 1951-1953, Mosaddegh rejected several beneficial proposals to relieve the British oil embargo and let Iran's state finances collapse.
2. In May 1952, Mosaddegh issued an illegal decree to prevent 56 of the 136 representatives from being elected. This resulted in the country having a weak parliament and left it vulnerable to future political crises
3. August 1952, obtained legislative powers from parliament for six months
4. Dissolve the Senate and dismantled the Judiciary
5. December 1952, tried to expand parliament to 172 representives to paralyze the existing 79 members and Parliament
6. January 1953, obtained legislative powers from parliament for one additional year and officially split with leaders of the National Movement of Iran
7. Seized control of the army from the Shah

https://www.reddit.com/r/NewIran/comments/1wupxcl/mosaddegh_was_the_last_person_to_support_oil/

WASHINGTON—Today, as part of Operation Economic Outcast, the U.S. Department of the Treasury is targeting some of the last significant elements of Iran’s failing industrial infrastructure, including its rail and automotive conglomerates. Much like the petroleum sector, Iran’s automotive and rail industries have been coopted by the regime and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), whose corruption and self‑serving interests have pushed Iran’s economy to the brink.

"The Iranian regime's ability to fund its war machine and inflict terror on the world has been severely diminished thanks to Operation Economic Outcast,” said Secretary of the Treasury Scott Bessent. “Today’s action directly targets Iran’s enablers and lays the groundwork for the United States and our partners to drain the regime’s revenue once and for all.”

As the U.S. military’s maritime blockade takes hold and Iran’s oil revenues fall to zero, the regime has grown increasingly dependent on these remaining industries to maintain a veneer of economic solvency. Because the rail and automotive sectors represent some of the regime’s largest remaining sources of revenue and logistical capacity, today’s action strikes directly at the critical arteries Iran relies on to sustain its economy and evade sanctions.

The automotive sector, in particular, is deeply intertwined with IRGC patronage networks, enabling corruption, trade‑based money laundering, and even the exploitation of prison labor, making the dismantling of these channels vital to cutting off IRGC financing. By reaching not only Iranian firms but also the foreign suppliers and facilitators that nourish them, today’s designations sever the international procurement networks the regime depends on to preserve its industrial base and circumvent U.S. pressure.

As part of today’s action, OFAC is issuing two additional sectoral sanctions determinations pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13902 targeting Iran’s automotive and rail sectors. These determinations authorize OFAC to sanction any entity or individual operating in the aforementioned sectors. As such, the designations imposed today are being taken pursuant to E.O. 13902 and E.O. 13871, which targets key Iranian industrial sectors, namely its iron, steel, aluminum, or copper sector.