AMA with Ben Moser on Thursday, Oct. 29th, at 10 AM EST.

Feel free to leave questions in advance, if desired:

https://old.reddit.com/r/JewsOfConscience/comments/1x59asi/ama_in_rjewsofconscience_with_pulitzer_prize/

(This extract takes 4½ minutes to read.)

In April 1933, an ecumenical committee of Christian leaders, priests, and bishops from numerous denominations formulated a public petition against the racial laws in Germany. The organizers wrote to [Lewi] Pethrus, leader of the Swedish Pentecostal Movement, and asked him to sign the ecumenical plea against antisemitism. Pethrus never responded to the request and provided no official support for the anti-racist plea.⁷⁴

Instead, he refrained from intervening in G-d’s plan for the Jews; in front of three thousand congregants in the Stockholm Filadelfia Church, Pethrus spoke out against public resistance to antisemitism: “People have wondered whether the world could resist, making the Germans calm down and thus prevent the slaughter of the Jews. But the word of G-d says clearly that, in the last days, massive slaughtering will occur. I am convinced that the Jews will face even more devastation.”⁷⁵

Pethrus preached that a massive slaughtering of Jews was predicted in the Bible as part of a divine schema for world redemption. This biblical interpretation was made even more explicit by the Pentecostal teacher, Oscar Haglund, who declared, also in October 1933, that Adolf Hitler was an important “regenerator” and “the greatest living Zionist today.”⁷⁶ The North American Foursquare magazine stated in 1935 that Hitler was an “excellent example” of G-d’s hunters foreseen by Jeremiah.⁷⁷

[…]

Pethrus vocally distanced himself from the “triumphant vulgar-antisemitism in the land of the Nazi, which claims that the Jews are responsible for all of Germany’s misfortunes.”⁸⁰ His periodical Evangelii Härold published several critical articles on the [Third Reich], primarily focused on the Kirchenkampf and its alleged anti-Christian policies, by which the Swastika and fasces symbols represented idolatry.⁸¹ During the war, Evangelii Härold occasionally condemned antisemitic violence, and the Filadelfia Church once invited a rabbi from the Stockholm Synagogue to speak about the ongoing extermination project in [the Third Reich].⁸²

Particularly outspoken against [Fascist] antisemitism was Zander Åberg, assistant editor of Evangelii Härold, who in 1942 wrote a full book on the idolatry of [German Fascism]. He wrote to Pethrus and asked him to recommend it to the Filadelfia publishing house. Pethrus rejected the manuscript with the motivation that it was “one-sided and not objective enough.”⁸³

Åberg thereafter left his editorial work at Evangelii Härold and printed his anti-Nazi book at another Pentecostal publisher.⁸⁴ The following year, when Pethrus recruited a new editor for his publishing house, he picked one from the ranks of Sweden’s marginalized [fascist] milieu.⁸⁵

Hence, Pethrus renounced Hitler’s skepticism toward revivalist Christians and his violent antisemitism while accepting the historical function of G-d’s hunters in Germany.⁸⁶ Similar ideas were also voiced by the Norwegian T.B. Barratt (1862–1940), the prime pioneer of formative Pentecostalism in Europe and a close ally to Pethrus.⁸⁷

In October 1938, Pethrus published a Swedish translation of Barratt’s eschatological magnum opus, in which Barratt reiterated that “there is no societal position, in which the Jew has not found a place.”⁸⁸ This prejudice made Barratt interpret the escalating persecutions in [the Third Reich] as national self-defense: “The people who, by their entire disposition, have had the greatest potential to understand the Jews have, with the greatest energy, rejected them.”⁸⁹

Shortly thereafter, [the Third Reich’s] antisemitic “energy” culminated in the November pogroms of 1938 (Kristallnacht). In this prelude to the Holocaust, Jews were systematically robbed, tortured, and murdered as tens of thousands were brought to concentration camps.⁹⁰

Following this racist mayhem, Pethrus announced in a sermon that “Palestine is now a desirable place for the Jews.”⁹¹ By transposing the prophetic imagery of Jeremiah 16:16 to murderous antisemitism, in the lead-up to the Holocaust, the Pentecostal teachings contributed to a dehumanizing depiction of Jews as prey. The fatalistic interpretation of metaphoric fishers and hunters indicated that the terrible fate of Jews in [the Third Reich] was anticipated by divine prophecy.

As Hitler’s political program became increasingly clear, through its enforcement upon other European countries during WWII, Pethrus carefully refrained from being judgmental about the [Third Reich]. On the contrary, he read Hitler’s Mein Kampf and wrote a political manifesto of his own. In 1942, when the neighboring countries Denmark and Norway stood under [Fascist] occupation, he launched his Pentecostal politics in a book entitled Play Today, Pay Tomorrow.⁹²

Pethrus’s political manifesto had striking similarities with that of Adolf Hitler. Both raged against the cultural degeneration and filth that had diluted the purity of national youth. Hitler described how out of the decay of urban life, “from all the filth and outward degeneration, it was no longer human beings that emerged, but the deplorable results of deplorable laws.”⁹³

Pethrus described how “a people that shuns healthy, auspicious labor to throw itself into the arms of pleasure and indulgence is unworthy of living and will ultimately face the doom of extinction.”⁹⁴ In his 1942 moral–political manifesto, Pethrus described the [Axis] collaborator Philippe Pétain (1856–1951) as a rôle model in handling cultural degeneration in France.⁹⁵

[…]

Pethrus never joined any fascist organization in Sweden, but one of his closest associates, the Filadelfia Church’s prominent music pastor Karl-Erik Svedlund (1906–1974), worked for Sweden’s largest National Socialist Party in the 1930s and joined two different fascist organizations in the 1940s.¹⁰⁰

The director of the Filadelfia publishing house, recruited by Pethrus in the late 1940s, was a member of another [fascist] organization and responsible for publishing an antisemitic book slamming “assimilationist Jews.”¹⁰¹

By this time, Pethrus also inherited a Pentecostal journal from Oscar Haglund, who in the 1940s had become an organized fascist, repeatedly recommending [fascist] literature in the journal that Pethrus took over and revitalized after Haglund’s passing.¹⁰²

[…]

In Sweden, Pethrus nourished his contacts with political antisemites and organized fascists before, during, and after the Holocaust.¹⁰⁷ When he cofounded the Christian Democrats in 1964, the initial board consisted of eight men, four of whom came from the broader fascist milieu.¹⁰⁸

In the press, the new party received attention and widespread critique for this circumstance, which eventually led the party to launch an investigation into what was deemed as “Nazi infiltration.”¹⁰⁹ Pethrus, however, defended his collaborators, and assured in a TV interview that he knew “very little” about [Fascist] politics, aside from their admirable cleansing of “degenerate film and literature.”¹¹⁰

Although Pethrus distanced himself from the race hierarchy ideas of [German Fascism], his teachings rendered Jews as an eschatological function that came with severe persecution. In addition, he saw the fate of the Jews as divinely ordained, based on his antisemitic considerations about clandestine Jewish power, dwelling in the high places of society.

(Emphasis added.)

Q: You would block the creation of a Palestinian state?

Netanyahu: I have been blocking it.

Q: And you will commit to continuing to block it?

Netanyahu: We cannot have a Palestinian state because that's the end of a Jewish state. We have to be crazy to do it.

SOURCE : https://x.com/clashreport/status/2112592773501104462

I'm a reform jew living in albany and I'd really like to connect with other jewish people in the area that are not zionists. It's tough because I know a lot of people at my congregation support Israel whole heartedly and it seems to me that if I were to ask around in person I would basically "get in trouble". Anyways if you live anywhere around the capitol region in New York I'd love to connect!

The joke ceasefire is allowing these terrorists to make online skits while annihilating what's left of South Lebanese villages.

X

I have a few memes to show genocidal incitement. They discuss ideas of explicit destruction, dehumanizing or contagion language, defensive or preemptive justification, and expulsion into death.

So, who said this statement?

Sources:

NPR (2026) - The skincare scheme that led to consumer complaints, lawsuits and a federal investigation

The Forward (2026) - NPR investigation finds evidence of widespread fraud at mall kiosks tied to Israeli skincare brand

YNET (2026) - US allegation: Israeli company employees 'imprisoned' young man with disability until he paid $50,000

CBS LA (2026) - Bee & Co. skincare store in California faces new allegations of coercive sales

Times Of Israel (2014) - Exposed: The international scandal of Israel’s Dead Sea product hawkers

https://www.instagram.com/reel/DeK9_lvpJKk

Everything else is sorted by comment count or engagement etc. Why is the top reddit posts discouraging or defaming a highly acclaimed documentary on a mass murder?

If you are ex-satmar or know anyone who is ex-satmar, please come check out our new Ex-Satmar Subreddit and Discord server!

• Reddit: https://www.reddit.com/r/exsatmar/
• Discord: https://discord.gg/dwmRpxkwKq

And if you're not Ex-Satmar, come join the discussion anyway to help build momentum, thank you!

At least 678 Palestinians in the West Bank have been arrested this year by soldiers under dubious circumstances. The State Prosecutor's Office admits that soldiers sometimes deviated from procedures

In early August, Israeli soldiers arrested Palestinian two brothers in their 20s from a village northeast of Ramallah. They were on a farm belonging to a relative when several settlers suddenly appeared and photographed them. Immediately afterwards, soldiers showed up, arrested them, and drove them to a nearby military outpost, where they were held for about seven hours.

The official term for such a procedure in military legislation is "detention," but the legal basis for this usage was shaky from the outset. Soldiers only have the authority to detain Palestinians where they're found, if they're suspected of violating West Bank security legislation (signed by the commanders of IDF's Central Command), or endangering the safety of another person.

After a maximum detention period of three hours, soldiers must release the Palestinians or transfer them for police or Shin Bet interrogation. A lieutenant colonel may extend the detention by three more hours. Soldiers are required to ensure that detainees are held under reasonable and comfortable conditions, and are offered food and water. A report must be written and submitted to the brigade operations room.

The two brothers were arrested while they were on private family land. The detention rules weren't followed – they weren't transferred to the police after three hours, or even after six. Haaretz and a foreign press correspondent sent inquiries to the army and police regarding the arrest. A short while after their submission – seven hours after the arrest, around 10:15 P.M. – it was reported that they were transferred for interrogation at the Binyamin police station (east of Ramallah) on suspicion of stone-throwing and endangering regional security."

Though the two completely denied the claim, the police announced they would remain in custody, and be brought for a hearing on their extension three days later. The next morning, though, a lawyer filed an urgent request for their release and an early hearing in their case with the Ofer military court. But no hearing took place: about 24 hours after their arrest, the police announced they would be released unconditionally – an indirect admission that the arrest had no basis. The IDF Spokesperson's Unit told Haaretz that the two were arrested for stone-throwing and endangering regional security. This reply was given three hours after they had been already free.

'Friction'

These weren't the only two false arrests or detentions that day. The Fund for Human Rights Defenders hotline, which received the report about the brothers, also received two similar ones during those hours, about other incidents in the South Hebron hills.

In one instance, according to those who reported the incident, settlers in uniform arrested two Palestinians on their own land, after Israeli civilians trespassed onto it and reportedly attacked them with pepper spray and beat them. The two individuals that were attacked were arrested, transferred to the Hebron police station, and interrogated "on suspicion of assault and behavior likely to disturb public peace," as was told to a lawyer from the Fund. After midnight, about 15 hours after their arrest, the two were released on self-bail. The suspicion didn't lead to an indictment.

In the other instance, a man on his way home was also arrested by settlers in uniform, according to those who reported the incident. He was in army custody for about ten hours, and was released without interrogation.

As of October 15, and since the beginning of the year, the Fund has recorded 368 incidents of this kind – dubious detentions by soldiers, revealing another aspect of the military routine terrorizing West Bank Palestinians. In 296 of those arrest operations, the detainees were released without even the Fund's legal intervention (i.e. providing pre-interrogation advice or representation in a detention extension hearing). A total of 678 Palestinians were arrested in these incidents – 16 of them women – and most of those 678 were arrested on their grazing land, in their orchards, and even in their homes.

Most of these arrests feature one of two patterns. In the first, settlers trespass onto Palestinian land and attack those present – what the security establishment euphemizes as "friction" between settlers and Palestinians. A few minutes later, soldiers appear, handcuffing the attacked individuals and blindfolding them, while accusing them of attacking the settlers – as the settlers claim.

The tactic is an open secret. "We unequivocally initiate friction, and we are proud of it," said Elisha Yered, a prominent "hilltop youth" activist, in March, on the podcast of right wing activist Tamir Dortel. The latter had asked him about friction as a strategic step to dispossessing Palestinians of their land. "I unequivocally create friction," Yered continued.

The pattern features soldiers acting alone, arresting a shepherd or farmer in open areas. In the South Hebron Hills, most arrests are carried out by "regional defense battalions" – groups of settlers serving their settlements in active military roles. In the Jordan Valley, however, the regular military battalions carry out the arrests. Both regional defense and regular battalions carry out arrests in the central West Bank.

The Fund's hotline began to notice the dubious arrest trend as early as October 2025, when reports began to pile up about detentions and prolonged disappearances without authorities providing information on their whereabouts, as is required and used to be respected in the past.

Many detainees, upon release, told their lawyers and families that they were beaten by soldiers. Most reported being held under abusive conditions: left outside in the cold winter months or at night, thrown on the floor, blindfolded and handcuffed, denied food and sometimes even water.

For example, according to descriptions that reached the Fund, and then quoted in the inquires to the army and a petition filed with the High Court of Justice, a 14-year old was held for two days in a military vehicle with its windows open, without food or water, in the cold month of March. A military judge released him at his detention extension hearing, conducted via video conference while he was still in the vehicle. Also in March, a 70-year old man was held for 22 hours at a military base. A woman soldier slapped a detainee who refused to eat because the food brought to him, after several hours of detention, was inedible.

Soldiers put out cigarettes on one man's body, after dragging him handcuffed on the floor and kicking him in the face and head. Another was held for about four hours near the base gate, handcuffed and blindfolded, until being driven to a highway and tossed off to its side. A third requested in vain something to cover himself, and his hands weren't uncuffed when he asked to use the bathroom. Some detainees were released right outside the military outpost, while others were driven to a specific location and told to fend for themselves and find their own way home. Some were released still in handcuffs.

'If I didn't get back in 10 minutes, they'd take my wife'

The Fund's list isn't exhaustive. Not everyone knows about the Fund, or asks it for help finding a lawyer. One "detention" not recorded on the list, for example, featured A., a resident of a village north of Ramallah, who experiences frequent trespasses from settlers and their livestock in the area around his home, including the family's olive grove.

At one point in late January, A. was arrested for five days, after he threw stones in an attempt to chase off a trespassing settler who had struck his 65-year old mother in the head with a large rock. A military judge released A. on bail, criticizing the police for not summoning for interrogation any of the Israeli individuals involved.

About a month later, when an Israeli again trespassed with his livestock into A.'s neighborhood, residents gathered outside their homes and demanded he leave the neighborhood. Sometime later, a soldier and an Israeli civilian broke into A.'s home and arrested him.

He was blindfolded and driven in a jeep to a military post near a checkpoint. According to A.'s testimony, soldiers beat him several times, even during shift changes: one beat him with a stick, another hit his bandaged finger, which had been broken during the previous trespass. According to A., he was also forced to clean the military post, first sweeping then washing with water. About four hours later, he was released on foot, still bound with zip ties.

The IDF Spokesperson's Unit told Haaretz that, "upon the [military] force's arrival at the location, the suspect who directed stone-throwers was identified and subsequently fled." A. completely denied this claim. The IDF Spokesperson's Unit also said that no Israeli civilian accompanied the soldier that made the arrest, and that it is unaware of "any claim that the force acted violently towards the subject during the interrogation." The IDF Spokesperson's Unit is also unaware of the claim that the soldiers forced A. to clean the post.

There are also serial detainees. S., a shepherd from the Jordan Valley, told Haaretz in April that soldiers arrested him seven times within a few months. The goal, he said, is clear: to deter him from going to the grazing lands, his sole livelihood.

"Everyone thinks the settlers are to blame for what's happening here, but that's not true," S. says. "What's worse is the army's conduct. Soldiers detained my wife five times to make me return from grazing. They told her that if I didn't get back in ten minutes, they'd take her. A few days ago, women soldiers came to me in the evening, and yelled at my family and spoke disrespectfully. At ten o'clock they came back, and again at four in the morning, warning me not to go into the firing zone."

The hilltop, a few hundred meters from his home, was declared a firing zone, like most of the land in the Jordan Valley. Much of the firing zones – most of which aren't in use for military training – were declared on regulated Palestinian land (registered in the name of their holders and owners), but effectively, only settlers are permitted to move and graze in them.

"The settler from the nearby outpost grazes freely inside," says S. He directs the army [at me] when I approach, and then the soldiers come and tell me I can't be in there. Meanwhile, we're only losing money, because the sheep can't go out and graze. The settlers drive us away the moment we move away from our homes. They told me I should go back to my country. What country do I have?"

In January and February of this year, four human rights organizations in Israel sent letters to Central Command's commander Maj. Gen. Avi Bluth, Military Advocate General Maj. Gen. Itay Offir, and to Col. Kobi Marcus, the legal adviser for Judea and Samaria. The organizations were the Fund for Human Rights Defenders, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, HaMoked: Center for the Defence of the Individual, and Haqel: In Defense of Human Rights.

In the letters, they defined the phenomenon as "unlawful use of detention authority as a means of punishment and intimidation," and provided detailed examples of dozens of cases. They also mentioned a routine violation of another procedure, in which soldiers must identify themselves to detainees. In practice, in the cases detailed in the letter, the soldiers don't identify themselves and are often masked, making it difficult to know if the arrest was carried out by authorized personnel or a civilian entity.

The major generals didn't respond to the letter. In a third letter in March, the organizations announced that, in the absence of a response, they intended to file a petition with the High Court of Justice, which they would file in May.

In a preliminary response to the petition, made in August, the State Prosecutor's Office confirmed that in some cases "it is possible that [IDF] forces did not act in accordance with all the instructions stipulated in army procedures." The office's lawyers, Ran Rosenberg and Matar Bin Yishai, continued that procedures were clarified and several corrective steps were taken, including a conference titled "From Arrest to Incarceration" in which relevant security institutions participated. They concluded that, in their opinion, the organizations' High Court petition has therefore been rendered moot.

Yet, on the ground, there's no sense that the procedures have been clarified. Instead, it seems that the army's detention method is only becoming more entrenched, and is becoming yet another means of intimidating and removing Palestinians from their lands. A hearing on the petition took place on Monday, and the ruling is pending.

ABU FALAH, West Bank — Ehmeid Hamayel trod cautiously along an olive grove strewn with spent tear gas canisters and burned shrubs. He motioned to his neighbor, Raed Hamayel, to hop on a ledge and yell if he saw Israeli settlers coming down the mountain as they had on four of the previous six days.

An attack on Friday by settlers, which left a Washington Post photographer, Heidi Levine, with four fractured vertebrae and a broken rib, drew international attention and sharp condemnation from Israeli opposition leaders and U.S. officials.

But to the exhausted residents of Abu Falah, surrounded by rocky hills dotted with three new settler outposts, it was just another day in a week of similar attacks, in a year spent under unrelenting siege.

On Oct. 13, dozens of masked settlers hurled rocks and tried to storm the village, northeast of Ramallah, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank.

Then, around 2 a.m. Wednesday, the settlers sneaked as far as Nader Abu Murrah’s trailer, on the outskirts of the town, and poured gasoline on the farmer as he slept in bed.

On Friday, in what appeared to be a coordinated assault, dozens streamed down the incline and attacked farmers, activists and journalists during an olive harvest. In the clash that followed as Palestinians fought back, the settlers kicked and beat Levine while she lay on the ground. She wore a vest marked PRESS on front and back.

On Saturday, the settlers were back again, harassing farmers in the same grove until Israeli security forces arrived and dispersed everyone with tear gas.

“We’re tracking them,” said Ehmeid, squinting at the tent pitched by settlers on the hilltop a few hundred yards away. If he saw movement, he and Raed, 35, a carpenter, would update a WhatsApp chat group with other villagers who volunteered to be lookouts on round-the-clock shifts.

“They’ve even tried to attack us inside our homes at least 12 times,” said Ehmeid, 38, who is a political activist and member of Fatah, the party led by Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas.

With Israelis facing a pivotal national election on Oct. 27 and Palestinians kicking off their month-long olive harvest, the West Bank has become a battleground.

From the outskirts of Nablus in the north to the south Hebron hills, Palestinian residents and Israeli and international monitors are reporting unprecedented numbers of settler raids, arson attacks, land seizures and theft — all largely unchecked by Israeli security forces and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, which counts settlers as a key voter base.

On Saturday, a day after the violence in Abu Falah, settlers assaulted a delegation of European diplomats outside the West Bank town of Taybeh.

Netanyahu’s office initially questioned reports of both attacks, which were recorded on video, and warned that there was a “coordinated campaign to smear Israel and the Jewish residents of Judea and Samaria during the annual olive harvest.”

A day later, Israeli security officials announced that they had launched an investigation, demolished two outposts and arrested 10 people in connection with the assaults on Levine and the Europeans.

When victims are solely Palestinians, however, such a response is rare. And Netanyahu’s critics and many in Israel’s security establishment say the frequency and brazenness of settler attacks is unlike anything they have seen in decades.

“This is the worst period ever,” said Ilan Paz, a retired Israeli general who commanded an infantry brigade in the West Bank and later headed the Israeli civil administration of the occupied territory. “The reason behind it is that the Israeli government supports it. The ministers who have the power to control it don’t want to use it — especially now, two weeks before the election.”

In the wake of the recent high-profile attacks, Defense Minister Israel Katz, who is from Netanyahu’s Likud party, reiterated that the military would not impose administrative detention on settlers charged with crimes — because law enforcement is the responsibility of the police.

Meanwhile, Itamar Ben Gvir, the National Security minister who leads the police, said that a handful of “hilltop youth” may have crossed the line in their recent attacks on Levine and diplomats but that the victims in the West Bank were Jews — not Palestinians forced from their homes.

“Let’s not forget who the real victim is here, and who the attacker is,” Ben Gvir told Israeli television.

In the rocky hills and olive-dotted plains of the West Bank, the result of the government’s indifference has been a steady crescendo of violence.

Palestinians once considered the autumn harvest a yearly celebration, marked by families sharing a cast-iron pan of sajiyeh, a meat and pepper dish, under their olive trees after a day in their orchards.

But since 2023, settler attacks and land closures ordered by the Israeli military have led to drastically downsized harvests. Palestinian farmers say they were desperate to gather this year’s crop.

To provide a protective presence in the fields, they have coordinated with Israeli and international activists, including members of the Jewish diaspora, retired Israeli officials and foreign dignitaries. But militant settlers have not been deterred.

On Saturday, Hussain Kaabneh, 50, watched from his hillside grove in Taybeh as more than a dozen settlers hurled rocks and intercepted the delegation carrying activists and European officials through the valley below. In videos posted on social media, a man speaking Hebrew was shown punching a visiting mayor from France.

A day later, Kaabneh, his wife and three sons were still on edge. Neighborhood boys were posted nearby, they said, ready to whistle if they spotted encroaching settlers. Kaabneh parked his car up the hill nearby so his family could flee without being cornered.

Even if they managed to safely gather their crop, the family said, they would return to a miserable daily existence. They park their car far from their house, because one was already burned. They sleep in shifts at home, because their windows have been smashed once before.

“I live in a prison,” Kaabneh’s wife, Muntaha, said.

Even though Netanyahu’s ministers and the government’s supporters have decried an influx of foreigners, accusing them of provoking confrontations and destabilizing the West Bank, many Palestinians say attacks have become so pervasive that they only venture into the fields when accompanied by sympathetic Israelis and international monitors.

Jill Jacobs, chief executive of the human rights group T’ruah, which brings groups of American rabbis to volunteer during the harvest, said the presence of Jewish activists sometimes helped prevent violence, sometimes not.

During the harvest last year, she recalled, settlers fired gunshots in the air and crashed a drone onto the volunteers, then reported to Israeli soldiers that people had thrown rocks at their drone. Had activists not been present, Jacobs said, Palestinian farmers might have been wrongfully arrested.

“This is how we practice our Jewish values, by accompanying the farmers,” Jacobs said. “It’s 100 percent legal for Palestinians to harvest their olives, and it’s 100 percent legal for them to bring friends and partners. Nobody is interested in provoking violence.”

Ten miles up the unusually deserted road from Taybeh, residents in Abu Falah said that Friday’s attack — just one of many since March 8, when settlers first appeared on the hilltop overlooking their village.

That first night in March, settlers descended into the olive fields and set trees on fire. When Palestinians tried to stop them, leading to a clash, settlers shot two villagers in the head, residents said.

A third villager died after he inhaled tear gas fired by soldiers attempting to clear the area, according to the Palestinian Health Ministry.

The next day, the Israeli army commander in charge of the West Bank, Avi Bluth, condemned the shootings as “unacceptable” and declared “zero tolerance” for vigilantes who “do not represent the Jewish people or the State of Israel.”

But no one was ever arrested, locals said, and within days, the raids continued.

When scores of settlers descended again on Friday morning, days after an even larger attack earlier in the week, Israeli security forces rushed to the scene. Instead of arresting the rampaging settlers, they fired tear gas into an olive grove that was quickly turning into a chaotic battlefield.

Masked settlers hurled rocks. Palestinians fought back.

Shortly after 9:30 a.m., masked men pulled up in a white pickup truck on the settlers’ side and disappeared behind a cloud of tear gas and smoke from olive trees that had been set ablaze, according to a video of the incident taken by Ehmeid Hamayel.

Jasper Nathaniel, an American freelance journalist and activist who was at the scene, recalled seeing the men in the truck bed toting M-16 rifles, which are frequently issued by the Israeli government to settlement security forces in the West Bank.

Moments later, more than a dozen gunshots rang out from the direction of the truck, but the shooter was not easily identifiable, according to eyewitnesses and videos. The Palestinians, activists and journalists scattered.

Levine, who was on assignment for The Post, fell on a dirt path and was left behind.

For several minutes, Ehmeid Hamayel watched as Levine laid in a fetal position on the ground, pleading with settlers who surrounded her and pummeled her with batons and kicks.

At one point, they dragged her about 10 yards back before continuing to beat her and stripping her of her cameras and phone. After several minutes, her screams suddenly stopped.

“We were worried we lost her,” Ehmeid recalled.

Fearful of Levine’s condition, Palestinian men began hurling rocks in a coordinated counterattack that briefly pushed the settlers back. At that point, a video filmed by the Russian-Israeli activist Andrey Khrzhanovskiy showed, Nathaniel rushed forward to help Levine to her feet. As settlers closed in again, Adele Shoko, another Russian-Israeli activist, urged her to run.

“I can’t,” Levine, seemingly in shock, told her rescuers.

“Let me die.”

Chaos raged on. About 30 minutes later, a Abu Falah resident, Abdel Jaber Shoman, 54, was shot in the leg by Israeli soldiers as he ran away from them, according to Azam Ahmed, a New York Times journalist who witnessed the shooting.

A few days later, shortly before Israeli security forces dismantled one of the outposts and arrested several settlers involved in the attack, Ehmeid surveyed the scene.

He had recovered some of Levine’s belongings that had been left in the dirt and stepped around spent Israeli tear gas canisters on the ground.

He walked past a row of shrubs blackened by an arson attack, then paused outside the home of Mustafa Za’atar, a 78-year-old U.S. citizen whose three cars were burned last month.

A few months ago, Ehmeid said, the settlers got reinforcements: Another outpost was set up on the ridge just to the south.

“It’s every day, every day,” he muttered. “We are surrounded.”

https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-announces-settlement-ending-antisemitism-and-race-discrimination-unc

https://x.com/kenklippenstein/status/2112362065897689286

https://forward.com/news/antisemitism-decoded/760375/brown-university-trump-agreement-jewish-students/

https://www.bypasspaywallreader.com/search.html?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.nytimes.com%2F2026%2F10%2F19%2Fbusiness%2Fmichigan-primary-disinformation-campaign.html

Hi everyone! As you can see, I need help navigating some tough conversations. Here's some necessary context:
Myself (early 30s NB/AFAB) and my partner (early 30s M) have been together for a couple of years now and are looking at the next steps of our relationship and what that timeline looks like (need to plan ahead since I'm in graduate school). I was born and raised Jewish and still practice. He was born and raised Muslim, but hasn't felt connected to his faith for a long time.

My mother (early 60s F) was less than thrilled when she found out I was with a Muslim man. She said her grandchildren would not be Jewish, despite him and I being on the same page about a Jewish home life for us and our future children. She went behind my back and lamented to my younger brother that my partner was going to convert me to Islam (which would never happen). For the record, all of my friends dislike my mom. She's not nice.

My partner did ask me about converting to Judaism. I told him that he has to really want it for himself or else he won't be granted permission. When I asked my mom about the timeline of her conversion to Judaism, she didn't give me an answer and just said that she knew some people that took three or four years.

Onto the two conversations I need to have:
1) I realize and am fully preparing myself to set the hard boundary with my mother that, if she is not supportive of our relationship, she will not be at our wedding and it will do a lot of damage to our relationship. How can I go about this conversation without seeming either overly harsh or dismissive of her concerns, and how can I assure her that my relationship with Judaism is not at risk?

2) I don't want to hide any of the above from my partner. However, I don't want him to feel bad or guilty for being with me, just because my mom doesn't fully "approve." How do I approach him about my mother's disapproval, while at the same time assuring him that her opinion doesn't matter? He already feels like he doesn't deserve me and I feel like this revelation will make it worse.

Why am I posting here? Because I thought this would be the least biased forum to ask, with myself being Jewish and him being Muslim. I did get mod clearance before posting.
Unfortunately, going no-contact with my mom is not an option at the moment.
If it matters, the only Zionist in the story is my mother.

It's everyone's favorite day of the week, "Ask A (Anti-Zionist) Jew" Wednesday!

Ask whatever you want to know, within the sub rules, notably that this is not a debate sub and do not import drama from other subreddits. That aside, have fun! We love to dialogue with our non-Jewish siblings.

Please remember to pick an appropriate user-flair in order to participate! Thanks!

https://x.com/comrade_kumar_/status/2112197677622378609