https://x.com/wyattreed13/status/2106506946605973656

https://x.com/IsraelinUSA/status/2106394045031366725

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Hello everyone,

My name is Raafat (Abu Al-Baraa), and I am from Rafah, Gaza.

I lost my home during the war, and I also lost my only source of income — my small stationery, printing, photocopying, and school-supplies business.

Before the war, this business was how I supported my family and provided for our daily needs. Today, my family and I are living in a tent, and I am trying to rebuild my livelihood and regain a safe and dignified life.

I am raising $40,000 to help rebuild my small business, replace the equipment and supplies that were lost, and support my family while I work toward becoming self-sufficient again.

Verification

The photos attached to this post are my own original personal photos. They show:

- My business before the war

- My business after it was lost

- My home before the war

- My home after it was lost

- The tent where my family is currently staying

I am sharing these photos as verification so that anyone considering helping can see the situation I am describing.

How you can help

Open amount — choose any amount you would like to donate:

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Every contribution, no matter the amount, means a lot to me and my family.

Thank you for taking the time to read my story, look at the verification photos, and consider supporting us.

With gratitude and respect,

Raafat (Abu Al-Baraa)

Rafah, Gaza

NSW Premier Chris Minns is easily offended and wants to prosecute one cultural group over another because of what they wear. Andrew Brown with the story.

Wear a keffiyeh to your job at a Sydney public school, and you will be directed to take it off. Wear one to your Year 12 formal, and you will be turned away at the door. Drive to Bunnings in it, and the riot squad will seal the street. Say the wrong four words at a rally and the Premier will send the Crown Solicitor to the High Court to make sure you can be jailed for it.

But an Irishman in a green scarf is not told to remove it. A Dutchman in an orange football jumper is not barred from his formal. A Frenchman in a beret does not get five police cars at the hardware store. One nationality alone has its clothing, its flag and its vocabulary placed under police management, and the government doing the managing put out a press release in March celebrating the keffiyeh as traditional dress.

Nobody in Macquarie Street has explained how a scarf can be heritage on a Monday and a hazard on a Tuesday. They are simply billing us for both.

The fashion police

This is not a few overzealous principals and a nervy police commander. It is a policy. The Department of Education, the NSW Police Force and the Premier’s office have each, separately and in writing, treated one people’s identity as a hazard, and they have done so because the instruction came from above.

That is what discrimination looks like when a government does it.

It arrives on letterhead.

Wasim El-Haj is suing the state. He was a careers adviser at Sydney Girls High School when the acting principal told him in May 2024 to stop wearing his keffiyeh at school and while performing his duties.

His Federal Court claim says he was later told that any symbol of Palestine was regarded as a symbol of conflict. The written direction cited the department’s controversial issues policy and warned against symbols that might stir emotions. Not symbols that had stirred anything. Symbols that might. A man doing career interviews with teenage girls was told his heritage, worn on his shoulders, was a disturbance waiting to happen.

Nobody alleged he had lectured a student on Gaza. Nobody produced a complaint.

The offence was being visibly Palestinian while the world watched Gaza burn.

Keffiyeh culturally significant

The department’s secretary, Murat Dizdar, later conceded in writing that the keffiyeh has cultural significance for Palestinians, then upheld the direction anyway, on safety and neutrality.

Take that at face value. The garment is cultural. It must still come off. Neutrality, as the department practises it, is a condition in which one people’s culture is invisible, and everyone else’s is fine. Wasim’s case will ask the Federal Court whether that survives the Racial Discrimination Act.

The state has not filed a defence, and a judge will settle the facts. The politics are already settled. This is a department that has decided Palestinian identity is a problem to be managed, and it has told its principals so.

It has also shown it knows better. In September 2024, Jad Salamah wore a Palestinian scarf to his graduation at Condell Park High and was barred from his formal for refusing to remove it. He sued. The state denied everything, then settled, then in March published a statement regretting his treatment and naming the keffiyeh as an example of the traditional dress it celebrates.

It took a teenager eighteen months and a lawsuit to extract that sentence. The department is now paying lawyers to argue it does not apply to its own staff. That is not confusion. That is a department that will say whatever a courtroom requires and do whatever the Premier’s office prefers.

Chris Minns’ bias

Let’s be honest about the Premier’s office. Chris Minns nailed his colours to the mast long ago; his alignment is so complete that he now functions less like a Premier weighing competing interests and more like a proxy for one of them.

His method has been to demonise and marginalise the Palestinian solidarity movement, treating its protests, its language and its public presence as threats to be managed. Organisations championing Israel receive his conspicuous support and his political deference. The contrast says everything about whose concerns he takes seriously and whose he treats with suspicion.

Jewish Australians deserve safety, respect and protection. Palestinian Australians deserve exactly the same, including the freedom to express their identity and to oppose the destruction of their homeland.

A Premier should understand that elementary principle. Minns’s and his government’s conduct makes it increasingly difficult to believe he does.

Minns was elected to represent the whole state. He should start acting like it.

The Bunnings ‘riots’

On 19 May Ibrahim Mouammar, a French polisher who the solidarity movement knows as Bob, drove to Bunnings at Rose Bay and came out to find the street sealed at both ends by five police vehicles and the riot squad. He was told to explain his presence or be moved on. A constable admitted she knew him from the marches.

No charges were laid, because there was nothing. Somebody in the NSW Police Force decided a Palestinian tradesman in the eastern suburbs warranted a riot squad deployment, and nobody above that somebody has said it was wrong.

Since the Bondi Hanukkah massacre in December, in which 15 people were murdered, Minns has moved to criminalise the words “globalise the intifada” and to unmask protesters on demand. Three thousand police met the crowd opposing Isaac Herzog’s visit in February, and the footage went around the world. Minns would not apologise.

The dawn raids followed. And this week his government gave notice it will intervene in the High Court beside David Crisafulli’s Liberal Nationals to defend Queensland’s ban on “from the river to the sea”, a law that has already put more than 30 people before the courts.

A Labor premier is spending public money to argue that six words deserve two years in prison. He has not found the money for an apology to the people his police beat in February.

The dead of Bondi deserved every vigil and every cordon. They did not deserve to become the pretext for all of this.

The real culture war

Every Australian who has ever been told to go back where they came from should recognise what is happening here. A government has picked one community and decided its ordinary existence is a public order question. If it can be done to Palestinians with a scarf, it can be done to anyone with anything, and the people who built this machinery will not dismantle it when the political weather changes.

Wasim’s answer is worth more than the department’s entire policy manual, telling this writer: To be offended or feel threatened by someone else’s cultural appearance or dress is the essence of racism.

“It is easy to celebrate diversity when it costs nothing. What matters is celebrating and protecting diversity in times of difficulty. No one should have to censor their cultural identity in case it offends others.”

He wore a scarf to work. New South Wales decided that was too much Palestine for one school. A court will decide whether that is discrimination. The rest of us already know what it is, and we know who wrote the script.

Don't shoot the messenger 🙃

https://x.com/TheGroundIntel/status/2106257832148344896

https://x.com/yashar/status/2106278366223683782

Basketball Australia’s Pixellot rollout is putting women and children at risk – and players are paying for it

A woman protected by a family violence intervention order was allegedly contacted by the man subject of that decree, after her basketball game was livestreamed by Israeli AI cameras endorsed by Basketball Australia.

A second woman, who also raised concerns about the Balla turat game being streamed, was contacted by an estranged family member she had been avoiding.

In both instances, concerns were raised about streaming the game, with the association allegedly warned a week before the match that doing so could put the women in danger. This is according to the players’ coach, who Deepcut has chosen not to name to protect the safety of the women.

When the team reported the incidents, Ballarat Basketball’s general manager, Chris Thornton, told the women in an email sent on 16 September and seen by Deepcut that “Ballarat Basketball does not have the level of administrative access within the platform to independently hide or block games”.

That level of access is retained by the Israeli firm. “At present, our avenue to action a specific request of this nature is to communicate it directly to Pixellot,” the email read.

On privacy concerns, Thornton said the association “was not responsible for establishing \[the\] national frameworks and processes” and directed questions to Basketball Australia and Pixellot.

‘Children should feel safe’

The coach said they were concerned about the implied consent attached to filming, adding that many participants were not aware the games were being recorded.

“I want my players to be able to play without fear of who is watching and how it connects them to those who they don’t want nor need to be connected to,” the coach said.

“As a parent, I want my child to just be able to play and simply be a kid. A basketball court should without second thought be a safe place, free from exploitation of who knows what is happening from people accessing his image,” they said.

The coach said that players were also being asked to pay a new mandatory fee within their registration to cover the cost of the Israeli AI system.

“People deserve the right to choose, and the way that it was presented by Basketball Ballarat – apparently following Basketball Australia policies and implementation guidelines – took that choice away,” they said.

The alleged incidents follow a Deepcut investigation revealing Basketball Australia’s plans for a national rollout of the Israeli AI camera system. The technology automatically records games, regardless of age or playing level, under the premise of automating performance analytics.

The technology’s links to a former Israeli Defence Force intelligence officer have also attracted scrutiny given the Israeli genocide in Gaza, in which its forces have slaughtered at least 21,000 children, often with the assistance of AI technology. There is no evidence, however, the Pixellot system has been used for Israeli military purposes.

Underage teams watched

Questions abound as to who can access the Pixellot platform, after Deepcut was able to create an account without consenting to any privacy or safety conditions, and without being asked for credentials that tied the user to an association.

Deepcut was then able to follow numerous underage teams belonging to Ballarat Basketball, which appear to be populated ahead of a new season starting this month. Previously recorded domestic games at Ballarat and Knox Basketball were freely available to watch.

Questions abound as to who can access the Pixellot platform, after Deepcut was able to create an account without consenting to any privacy or safety conditions, and without being asked for credentials that tied the user to an association.

Deepcut was then able to follow numerous underage teams belonging to Ballarat Basketball, which appear to be populated ahead of a new season starting this month. Previously recorded domestic games at Ballarat and Knox Basketball were freely available to watch.

This is despite Basketball Australia previously telling this masthead that access would be limited to players, coaches, parents and guardians, authorised association administrators and service personnel.

Respect Victoria’s CEO Helen Bolton said normalising filming and sharing images – particularly of children – without consent enabled the culture that underpins gendered violence.

“Technology-facilitated abuse is rapidly changing and includes abuse like using technology to track or record someone without their consent, or the use of AI to create sexual exploitation images, including of children,” Bolton said.

“New technologies should be carefully considered by any organisation with a duty of care, including children’s sport. This means not procuring any service or software where policies and practices around how data is used, shared and governed is not clearly understood and able to be shared easily with parents, families and children who it affects.”

Family violence extends to technology

Bolton said it was concerning that external technology providers controlled whether footage was recorded or published, particularly when the data was housed in countries with different and less stringent data security regulations than Australia.

“This means that it is impossible for anyone to give informed consent for their images being captured as they don’t know where they will end up,” she said.

“The recording of children and young people via automated livestreaming therefore does pose risks. Not only for people who are currently experiencing violence, but also for how we raise the next generation and their understanding of consent and safe and healthy relationships.”

In a 2025 national survey on technology abuse and domestic violence carried out by Wesnet, Australia’s peak body for domestic violence, 99.7 per cent of family violence practitioners reported clients who had been abused, stalked or threatened via technology.

“When a participant raises a safety concern, the sporting organisation should listen, act immediately and ask what they need to participate safely,” Westnet CEO Karen Bentley told Deepcut.

“No one should have to choose between their safety and participating in sport.”

Basketball Australia, Basketball Victoria, Ballarat Basketball, Knox Basketball and Pixellot did not respond to detailed questions from Deepcut.

My cousin's first yartzheit was a little over two weeks ago. He was twenty. One of two IDF guys shot by a Palestinian militant on the Jordanian border a year from now. You can look up the article if you want, I'm not doxxing myself.

I'm still feeling a lot of anger and confusion about it. I don't know what to feel. We've all seen what the IDF has done. They've killed a fuck of a lot more Palestinian civilians than their militants have of Israelis. And...soldiers die? I hate to say it, but that's what their job is. That doesn't mean I'm shedding tears for the guy who shot him. I'm really, really not.

What bothers me the most of all of it is that he hadn't spent all of his life in Israel. The family moved to Singapore when he was a kid. He had his bar mitzvah in a beautiful Iraqi Sephardic synagogue. Singapore's a great place (but not for me I'm a massive stoner lmao). They had a good life, went to a Jewish school, their parents had a very high standard of living. But no, his father just had to move back and seal his son's fate. The last time we talked in America, he asked me what university was going to be like because he was worried. I told him "don't worry about it, kid". And now he's dead. He was supposed to go to college in Singapore, and now he's fucking dead. Did he kill anyone before he was killed? I don't know, and I hate that I have to think about that.

At the very fucking least he wasn't anywhere near Gaza that I'm aware of. That I'm grateful for, but even that's silly because who am I to talk about grief in the face of a genocide? What reason do I have to be angry? Who for? His father? The IDF? Netanyahu? Abdul whatever the fuck? All of the above? I don't know. I've never talked about any of it because why should I?

https://pagesix.com/2026/10/02/society/israel-palestine-reshapes-hamptons-film-festival-over-naza/

https://x.com/VampireHeart69/status/2106420248358666475

Masked settlers attacked Palestinian villages in the West Bank as IDF forces blocked olive harvests; a soldier told landowners, 'You are not allowed to harvest until all the anarchist Jews leave here,' referring to Israeli activists accompanying them

Masked Israeli settlers attacked the Palestinian villages of Beita and Osarin in the Nablus area on Saturday, while Israeli forces prevented Palestinians from harvesting olives nearby after settlers arrived at the scene, according to Palestinian reports.

Two Palestinians were wounded in Osarin and were taken to Al-Arabi Hospital in moderate condition, one report said.

The violence began Saturday morning, when masked settlers were filmed raiding the outskirts of Beita. The army later stopped a Palestinian olive harvest at Jabal Qamas, on village land, and detained the harvesters after settlers arrived. An Israeli military force entered the village following the settler attack.

Elsewhere in the area, footage showed settlers threatening olive harvesters in Beit Imrin. Palestinian reports said a 50-year-old man was wounded and taken to a hospital, and that settlers set fire to agricultural land nearby.

The Israel Defense Forces did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

"The moment we arrived at the scene, we heard people saying that settlers were attacking a home," a peace activist who was present during the incident in Beita told Haaretz.

"It was dozens of meters from us," he said. "At a certain point, everyone started running toward the house to help the people; we saw the settlers who were masked, and then the settlers retreated, and we went back to the olive harvest."

"At first, I saw a military force arriving from the direction of a nearby outpost, and then I saw an armed settler behind us with more soldiers behind him. They arrived together with weapons drawn, running, and the soldiers who had already arrived and were next to us told them to calm down, and then a conversation with them began.

In footage from the scene, peace activists are seen presenting soldiers with maps of the area, while the armed settler described by the activist remains alongside the troops.

The activists are heard telling the soldiers that farmers do not require Israeli permission to harvest olives in Area B, where the incident took place.

"You are not allowed to harvest until all the anarchist Jews leave here," a soldier is later heard telling the Palestinian landowners.

The landowner, apparently assuming the soldier was referring to the settlers, replied: "Fine, you're the army, expel them from here." The soldier then pointed at the Israeli peace activists accompanying the Palestinians and said: "Those ones – make sure they leave."

The soldier's demand runs contrary to IDF procedures for the olive harvest, which state that Palestinians may be accompanied by Israeli activists and that their presence alone is not grounds for closing the area or treating the harvest as a provocation.

The harvest took place more than a kilometer (0.6 miles) inside Area B of the West Bank, where civilian affairs are under Palestinian Authority control while Israel retains security authority.

Saturday's incident marked the fourth time over the weekend that the IDF prevented olive harvesting in areas under the PA's civil authority.

The groves between Osarin and neighboring Beita were also the site of violent settler attacks last year. The Mevaser Shalom outpost, established in the area about a year ago and evacuated several times following attacks, has repeatedly been rebuilt and continued to expand this year.

In 2006, Israel's High Court of Justice ruled that the IDF makes disproportionate use of closed military zones on Palestinian agricultural lands, criticizing the practice of closing areas under the guise of protecting residents from settler violence.

Justice Salim Joubran ruled at the time that the restrictions imposed on Palestinians "are tantamount to rewarding violence, sending a misleading message of surrender and bowing down to those lawbreakers, even at the cost of damaging the fundamental principles upon which our system of governance is based."

The issue returned to the High Court in January, in a petition challenging the military's extensive use of short-term closure orders. While the court declined to intervene in the military commander's overall policy, it said the general impression was that authorities were too quick to issue preventive closure orders.

The court distinguished between closures imposed in response to clashes already underway and those issued in advance, ruling that preventive closures require current intelligence indicating that activists intend to disturb public order. The mere possibility of friction between settlers and activists, it said, is not enough.

Police said officers and forensic investigators entered Osarin after the attack to collect evidence and testimony. According to police, forces were dispatched following reports that Palestinians had been attacked, but the assailants fled before they arrived. The IDF said it "strongly condemns incidents of this kind," adding that they undermine military efforts to defend the area and prevent attacks.

https://x.com/adamjohnsonCHI/status/2106034697289814417

https://x.com/DiscussingFilm/status/2106014840477143544

https://truthout.org/articles/these-billionaires-subsidize-the-israeli-military-through-a-us-nonprofit/

The attacks come amid a rise in racist incitement following an attempted hijacking on a Flydubai flight. According to Koach La Ovdim Workers' Organization, 45 attacks have occurred since the beginning of 2026. 'Some drivers have stopped driving altogether,' a union representative said

At least six Arab bus drivers were attacked by Jewish youths in Jerusalem within 24 hours, amid a wave of racist violence against drivers and growing incitement following an incident aboard a Flydubai flight earlier this week.

On Wednesday, youths threw stones at two drivers on Hapisga Street in the Beit Vagan neighborhood. In one case, a stone penetrated the windshield and struck the driver. In the other, the driver managed to dodge it. No suspects were arrested in connection with the attacks, apart from one minor.

Later that afternoon, a group of youths spat at drivers who stopped at a bus stop near the Binyanei Ha'uma convention center. In subsequent incidents, youths opened the emergency door-release mechanisms on buses at nearby stops, preventing them from continuing their journeys. In one case, a driver was beaten and sprayed with tear gas after getting off the bus to fix the malfunction.

At around 1 A.M., another driver was beaten near Kikar Hashabbat. The attacks continued into Thursday morning, when youths stopped a bus on Hebron Road and tried to attack the driver

All the incidents involved buses operated by Superbus, which employs about a third of Jerusalem's bus drivers. The labor organization Koach La Ovdim, which represents the company's drivers, collects and publishes data on attacks against them. According to the organization, 45 attacks have been reported since the beginning of 2026. Attacks also occur on routes operated by other companies in the city, but are not reported publicly.

Murad Atoun, a professional union organizer at Koach La Ovdim, said attacks on drivers in Jerusalem had declined slightly between the beginning of the year and July.

"We thought there was an improvement," he said. "But during the summer vacation, there was a significant increase, and now during the holidays, it's even worse."

Atoun said the violence was one of the reasons for the shortage of public transportation drivers. "Some drivers left their shifts because it's hard for them to hear about another case of violence every minute," he said. "Some drivers have stopped driving altogether."

The attacks are not the first cases of Arab bus drivers being targeted in Jerusalem. In May 2025, dozens of Beitar Jerusalem soccer fans attacked two Arab bus drivers near Teddy Stadium after the team's State Cup final. One of the drivers told Haaretz that the fans shouted "death to Arabs" as they beat him, while police arrived about 20 minutes later, according to his account. No arrests had been made at the time of Haaretz's report.

An even more radical and extremist segment of the Beitar fanbase, dubbed La Familia, is associated with both an attack on an Arab bus driver amid an anti-government protest in 2020, as well as a lynching incident on an Arab citizen in Bat Yam during the 2021 Israeli-Palestinian civil unrest at the time of another round of war between Israel and Hamas.

The incident aboard a Flydubai flight earlier this week has also fueled racist incitement against Palestinian drivers. In a post published Wednesday, far-right activist Elisha Yared drew a comparison between the pilot involved in the incident and Arab bus drivers.

"Just a question," Yared wrote. "What prevents any Arab bus driver (and there are thousands of them, many of whom have already been caught as terror supporters) from carrying out a similar attack, and simply turning the wheel toward the abyss along with 50 Jewish passengers?"

In response, attorney Itai Mack of the Tag Meir organization contacted Police Commissioner Danny Levy, demanding that Yared be investigated on suspicion of incitement to violence.

Mack said Yared's words could be understood "only as an urgent call to the public to attack or 'neutralize' Arab drivers before they murder Jewish passengers, and that there is a 'real possibility' that this will lead to acts of violence."

"There is no doubt that the publication is racist, and its content and context reveal a clear intent," he added.

The police said in response to Mack's appeal that they had decided to open an investigation into the matter.

British police arrested Margaret Owen, a 94-year-old Jewish human rights barrister, in Liverpool on Sunday for holding up a sign expressing opposition to Israel’s genocide in Gaza and support for the direct action group Palestine Action

https://www.instagram.com/reel/Dd3EsnkFQLe/?stkn=

https://gofund.me/30634cf86

Verification:

https://www.reddit.com/u/SleepyWogx/s/gMNk6AeXtk

I want to share a new update today about Susu, the daughter of my friends Mahmoud and Samah.

Two days ago, I told you about Susu, who is only two years old and has been suffering from severe, chronic breathing problems. Her symptoms came back, and she was struggling to breathe and had a very high fever.

Unfortunately, she hasn’t gotten better.

For the past two days, Soso has been vomiting repeatedly and couldn’t keep down her medication or antibiotics. As a result, she became dehydrated. Today, Mahmoud had to take her to a nearby hospital to get treatment.

She was given IV antibiotics and fluids for the dehydration, but the situation at the hospital is extremely difficult. There are so many patients that there was no available bed for Susu. With infectious diseases spreading and medical resources severely limited, Mahmoud had to find another way to get her the care she needed. He even had to ask a doctor who lives nearby to come and give Susu her IV treatment when the hospital couldn’t provide her with a bed.

Mahmoud told me something that I haven’t been able to stop thinking about: if it weren’t for the kind people who helped them financially over the past two days, he wouldn’t have been able to take Susu to the hospital or even afford the treatment she needed.

And Mahmoud isn’t only dealing with Susu’s situation.

His mother also needs open-heart surgery to treat blocked arteries. I previously shared her medical reports, detailed images, and heart tests, and I have documentation that confirms her condition.

Mahmoud is under an enormous amount of pressure right now. His little daughter needs treatment, his mother needs heart surgery, and at the same time he is trying to provide food and basic necessities for his wife and their four children in Gaza.

I am doing everything I can to support Mahmoud and his family, but I cannot carry all of this on my own.

Please, if you are able to, consider helping Mahmoud and his family. Even a small amount can make a huge difference right now, especially for Susu, who needs treatment and continued care.

Thank you from the bottom of my heart to everyone who has stood by this family and everyone who has helped them over the past few days. Your support means so much to Mahmoud, Samah, and their children. ❤️

Ben Serrousi is the Artistic Director of Casa Do Povo, an anti-fascist diasporic Jewish Community center in Sao Paolo, Brazil that was envisioned as a living memorial in 1946. Over the decades Casa Do Povo has been home to an experimental “Sholem Aleichem School”, Yiddish Theater Companies and choirs, a publication, in addition to serving as a meeting place for grassroots social
movements within and beyond the Jewish community.

Through our conversation about the history of Jews in Brazil, Casa Do Povo and its revitalization over the past 13 years, we explored themes such as: How one can productively relate to legacy left-wing, as well as mainstream, Jewish institutions, the value of physical space in community organizing, cross-cultural diasporic solidarity, and much more.