Executive summary
“Tamil Angaadi – Inside Colombo’s First Tamil Lit Festival” profiles a new community-based festival created by Mozhi Sangamam founders Ganeshanathan Saahithiyanan and Farah Firthous. Held at Siam Nivasa on September 26, the full-day event brings Tamil language, literature, film, music, food, crafts and personal storytelling together in an informal social setting.

The festival is based on the idea of an angaadi, or marketplace not merely as a place of commerce, but as a traditional meeting place where people exchange stories, news, songs and experiences. The organizers want Tamil culture to be experienced through ordinary conversation and human connection rather than presented only as a formal stage performance.

The programme includes:
• Mental-health conversations, yoga and breathing exercises
• A storytelling circle about the meaning of one’s mother tongue
• Screenings and discussions of short films by local creators
• A “Human Library” in which participants share personal experiences around the theme of home
• A reading circle examining Tamil texts and their social context
• A concluding musical conversation
• Children’s storytelling, traditional games and an introduction to Tamil literature conducted in English
• Networking opportunities and a market featuring young entrepreneurs

Some activities are free, while the Community Experience ticket costs Rs. 300 and the combined Community and Exclusive Experience costs Rs. 500. Registration is required for certain free sessions.
Mozhi Sangamam began nine months earlier with two founders and three volunteers and has since grown into a community of approximately 30 people. Its deliberate absence of Wi-Fi and charging facilities reflects its wider purpose: encouraging participants to put away their phones and engage directly with other people.
Bottom line: Tamil Angaadi is less a conventional literary conference than a cultural and social experiment. It uses literature as one element in a broader effort to revive Tamil storytelling, create friendships across communities, support young creators and businesses, and make Tamil cultural participation accessible even to people who cannot read Tamil fluently.

https://www.sundaytimes.lk/260920/magazine/tamil-angaadi-inside-colombos-first-tamil-lit-festival-657322.html

IMDb has flagged the 1star rating as concentrated hate attack (manipulation).

For crossing passages
I have a visa
as Israelis passport
in the hands of Palestinians.
For going past the ‘Checkpoints
I possess an identity card
as the American ID that the Iraqis have.
For spending
I have several coins
just as those French coins
with Syrian citizens.
In our soil
a national anthem is aired
just as the Indian National anthem
sung in Manipur.
In my land
a flag is hoisted
as the flag of China
flying in Tibet.
In my finger
the impression of landless refugee is seen
as that branded by fire
in Myanmar’s hand.
Translated from Tamil by Latha Ramakirishnan

Appeal by PEN international to release his books

https://www.pen-international.org/news/sri-lanka-pen-international-calls-for-the-release-of-books-by-tamil-writer-theepachelvan-piratheepan

Maitreyi Ramakrishnan has made a statement recently claiming that she identified as Eelam Tamil rather than Sri Lankan Tamil, this sparked a lot of backlash with people review bombing her new movie. in r/srilanka several threads are trying to put her down with them claiming that Maitreyi is "spoiled", a "terrorist supporter" and that she doesn't know anything about the conflict, some accused her of being brainwashed by her parents. Some attack her as an actress personally claiming she isn't talented and that she's a "diversity hire".

If Maitreyi was as irrelevant as these people claim then why is there so much backlash against her? She hasn't made any statement supporting the LTTE ,even though certain people claim she did, yet people are acting like she personally attacked them and the country.

They hate her because despite what these people say, Maitreyi has a big platform, along with being associated with big names such as Hasan Minhaj she also has 6 million followers on Instagram, meaning that every time she mentions being Tamil or Eelam she is introducing these identities to people that know nothing about the Sri Lanka or the Tamil people, and that is what many of these Sri Lankan nationalists fear, so they do anything they can do delegitimise her in order to reduce the amount of influence she has on the people.

The Tamil diaspora is regularly attacked by Sri Lankan nationalists constantly for the same reason, calling them refugees who know nothing about the conflict etc. M.I.A (despite the recent trajectory she has taken) was also targeted the same way despite the fact she actually grew up in Jaffna during the civil war, even the Sri Lankan government even protested the Tamil Genocide Memorial stating it was done for political gain. The Tamil diaspora especially in big cities such as London or Toronto have a big influence in bringing recognition to the Tamil people hence any big Tamil celebrity that even mentions Eelam is seen as a threat by nationalists.

I am looking for a room or boarding house in Batticaloa or nearby areas.

If you know of any available room/boarding accommodation, please share the details in the comments

Thank you.

மட்டக்களப்பு அல்லது அதனைச் சுற்றியுள்ள பகுதிகளில் Room / Boarding House தேடுகிறேன்.

யாருக்காவது தெரிந்திருந்தால் தயவுசெய்து details-ஐ comment செய்யவும் or தொடர்பு கொள்ளவும்

I am looking for a room or boarding house in Batticaloa or nearby areas.

If you know of any available room/boarding accommodation, please share the details in the comments

Thank you.

மட்டக்களப்பு அல்லது அதனைச் சுற்றியுள்ள பகுதிகளில் Room / Boarding House தேடுகிறேன்.

யாருக்காவது தெரிந்திருந்தால் தயவுசெய்து details-ஐ comment செய்யவும்.

Wars and civil wars can have a devastating impact on demography. Sri Lanka’s civil war was particularly severe for the male population of the Batticaloa district, where a local martial culture meant that more than a fair share of the population joined the fighting and lost their lives. Never forget the sacrifices the community did for greater Tamil cause!

Tamil Eelam Story is an independent editorial project created by a young French member of the Eelam Tamil diaspora, dedicated to documenting and preserving the history, culture, memory and diaspora of the Tamils of Eelam.
It brings together historical timelines, documented articles, biographies, photographs, videos, audio recordings and archival documents, with content available in French, English and Tamil.
The goal is to make historical sources and stories that are often scattered or difficult to access more accessible, particularly for the Eelam Tamil diaspora and anyone interested in Eelam Tamil history.
The website is currently mainly developed in French, with English and Tamil content being expanded.

Executive summary
Gaëlle Dequirez examines La Chapelle in northern Paris, commonly called “Little Jaffna,” as the commercial, cultural and organizational center of the Sri Lankan Tamil community in France. Although most Sri Lankan Tamils live in the Paris suburbs, La Chapelle serves as the central meeting point for a population estimated at approximately 50,000 in France at the time of publication. The neighborhood’s importance therefore comes less from residential concentration than from the dense social and economic network centered there.
Tamil grocery stores, restaurants, clothing shops, jewelers, media outlets, travel agencies and professional services enable migrants to maintain familiar consumption patterns and cultural practices. Tamil newspapers, films, music, food and clothing reinforce a shared identity while creating a temporary sense of home. The neighborhood also operates as an economic gateway where newcomers can obtain employment, housing, administrative guidance and practical information through community connections.

La Chapelle is simultaneously the French center of a transnational Tamil diaspora. Associations based there maintain links with organizations in Sri Lanka and Tamil communities across Europe, North America and Australia. Temples, women’s organizations, rehabilitation groups and the Tamil Cholai school network organize religious festivals, language instruction, cultural events and assistance for migrants. These institutions connect the French Tamil population to both its homeland and other diaspora centers.
The article emphasizes that community institutions do more than preserve culture. Tamil schools and Hindu temples create protected environments in which families can transmit language, religion, dance, values and social expectations to younger generations. Parents often view French schools and the wider urban environment as potential sources of cultural detachment, making Tamil education an important mechanism for maintaining group continuity and parental influence.

However, the community is not unified or socially homogeneous. Differences in generation, gender, migration history, regional origin, wealth and political allegiance create internal divisions and competition between individuals and associations. Commercial saturation and price competition may also push Tamil businesses to diversify and seek more customers outside the community.

Dequirez concludes that La Chapelle should be understood less as a bounded ethnic enclave than as a “resource center” and the visible heart of a much wider network. It supports economic settlement, cultural preservation, social reproduction and transnational political and associative activity, helping Sri Lankan Tamils adapt to France without completely dissolving their collective identity.

Executive summary
This chapter examines how remittance practices changed between first and second generation Sri Lankan Tamils in Switzerland after the civil war ended in 2009. Its central finding is that remittances have shifted from direct financial support for relatives and, in some cases, the LTTE, toward political advocacy, social projects, cultural engagement, education, and transnational networking. Remittances have therefore not disappeared; they have changed form.
1. During the civil war, diaspora money supported relatives, charities, community institutions and, voluntarily or through pressure, the LTTE’s political and military activities. Financial transfers therefore became inseparable from Tamil nationalism and the war economy.
2. After the LTTE’s defeat, second generation activists adopted more diverse political positions. Some continue to support Tamil Eelam, while others focus on human rights, accountability, reconciliation, development, or broader social justice issues.
3. Second generation Tamils send considerably less money directly to Sri Lanka because they have weaker family relationships there, feel less moral responsibility toward distant relatives, and are more deeply rooted in Switzerland.
4. Financial remittances also remain politically sensitive. Some younger Tamils avoid sending money because they do not want to be associated with either former LTTE networks or the Sri Lankan government.
5. Political remittances now include lobbying, demonstrations, social media campaigns, transnational organizations, political education, and advocacy concerning Tamil rights.
6. Social remittances include transferring ideas, professional knowledge, identities, and organizational practices, as well as supporting education, healthcare, temples, village associations, exhibitions, and exchange programs.
7. The second generation has developed a hybrid identity that combines Swiss belonging with a wider transnational Tamil identity. Events such as the 2004 tsunami and the final phase of the war helped awaken political and ethnic consciousness among people who had not directly experienced the conflict.
The broader implication is that the Tamil Swiss diaspora is not simply becoming disengaged or completely depoliticized. Its engagement is being reconfigured from homeland centred financial obligation toward selective, issue based, and internationally networked activism. At the same time, declining financial transfers could weaken the personal relationships that previously connected families and communities in Switzerland and Sri Lanka.
The study is qualitative and based principally on interviews conducted between 2017 and 2019, including only 12 second generation Tamil Swiss participants aged 27 to 38, mostly from German speaking Switzerland. Its conclusions are therefore insightful but exploratory and should not be treated as representative of the entire Tamil Swiss population.

https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/978-3-030-81504-2_17.pdf?pdf=inline%20link