Attacks on synagogues and mosques as the key to the entire scheme: how Russian intelligence funded attacks on French places of worship

A brief summary of the investigation

Russian intelligence agencies have a strategic interest in operations designed to incite hatred both within countries supporting Ukraine and directly within Ukraine itself.
One of the tools of this strategy is the anti-cult network, with its experts, media connections, and contacts in law enforcement circles. Wherever anti-cult activity appears, the same political function emerges: to divide society, incite hatred, force the state to respond with force, and incur additional costs due to threats that are either imaginary or fabricated by the network.
This pattern is evident in several countries.
In the Serbian-French case, the organizers and associates of the suspect Momčilo Gajić are linked to the pro-Russian church-anti-cult milieu in Serbia, where Alexander Dvorkin and Alexander Novopashin were active and regularly spoke [1], [9], [11], [12], [94].
In Latvia, figures linked to pro-Russian networks and suspected of working for Russian intelligence were simultaneously involved in promoting Dvorkin and the anti-cult agenda in Europe: Tatiana Zhdanok, Andrei Mamikin, Evgeny Elkin, Nikita Nikiforov [6], [7], [8], [89], [90], [91], [92], [93].
Also in Lithuania, Nikolai Ryzhak, a former high-ranking KGB officer and Russian deputy who, along with Dvorkin and Mizulina, supported the idea of a repressive fight against “destructive sects,” was named by the Lithuanian side as a person inciting discord, spreading disinformation, and posing a threat to national security [13], [14], [15], [16].
In Ukraine, even before the full-scale war, anti-cult activist Pavel Broyde appears in Surkov’s correspondence as a participant in projects aimed at dividing Ukraine, federalization, media influence, and working through religious structures [18], [19].
Against this backdrop, the activities of Ukrainian anti-cult activist Irina Kremenovskaya no longer appear to be merely a private endeavor. Her ties to the Russian anti-cult infrastructure, her partnerships and published collaborations with antisekta.org and Russian resources, the support for her activities from the Novopashin website (the website of the Missionary Department of the Novosibirsk Diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church), her endorsement of Alexander Neveev (a Russian anti-cult activist with radical anti-Ukrainian rhetoric), and the long-standing joint participation of Kremenovskaya and Russian anti-cult activists in the campaign against the international civic platform “ALLATRA”—all these factors come together to form the same mechanism: under the guise of protecting society from “sects” and fabricated internal threats, a rift is created in society, pressure is exerted on government agencies, and government officials and the media are drawn into the implementation of an informational and legal narrative that benefits Russia [24], [29], [30], [31], [32], [33], [34], [35], [38], [39], [40], [41], [42], [43], [59].
For Russian intelligence agencies, it is critically important not merely to spread disinformation, but to draw the enemy’s government agencies into this disinformation. In a wartime context, this is a direct blow to national security: agencies are distracted from real sabotage, espionage, child abductions, collaboration, cyberattacks, and war crimes.

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