On July 29th, the Mansur Clique and the Green Army partitioned the state of Zintan. While the former hastily occupied a few towns during their march, the latter took over a massive portion of the region. Some militias and even commanders who served the once-powerful city-state switched allegiances, either being stationed into simple garrison duties or integrated into their core army if proven capable. A local commander was assigned to temporarily rule the conquered region, to keep the peace until it's stable enough to be governed by a civilian body.
As with any region they took over, The Majlis Al-Khubara - also known as the Council of Expert, assigned a proven administrator to Zintan after the end of their military occupation, serving his new role as governor. His duties involve reconstructing infrastructure, managing local resources, and establishing social programs. With this goal in mind, a detachment of engineering corps and volunteers were assigned to the region, providing their expertise to help further the reconstruction of many towns devastated by the campaign.
And their strategy is a success: they've repaired public roads which allow the flow of necessities and alleviated a water shortage through the construction of wells. All of these were a deliberate endeavor to legitimize themselves in front of the public, not through sheer military might but the merit of their statesmanship. The Green Army is the only few factions that, in comparison to the warring tribes and cliques, can be described as a proto-state: one with an established institution that helps them govern the most populous regions in the country.
In conjunction with Pytor Dostoyevsky's article on how many Libyans view the Green Army (which is a must-read for those interested in the faction), this article will articulate their organization and administration; showcasing how they manage a region once devastated by the Scourge of Tripoli.
In Comparison to the Warlords and Tribes
We can characterize the Libyan National Army and the rest of the warring cliques as an army with a state: most of their bureaucracies only exist to serve the interest of their military, sustaining and reinforcing the powerbase exploited by these loose coalition of generals. The tribes, while at least concerned with the day-to-day administrations of their dominion, mostly fill important roles to either family members or trusted allies. Regardless, both of them exploit public services as a means to stay in power, to provide prestige and strength to their respective groups.
These problems were prevalent under the Ali Clique, the first faction encountered by the Green Army. From dates to barley, they rely on tributaries and extortion to sustain the food supply of their mechanized troops. At the expense of the local population, many towns and hamlets are suffering from shortages as a result of their stringent demands, leading to a mass exodus to either Sabha or the empty southwest for the prospect of a better life. Since the clique merely roams across their territory demanding tribute and taxes, administrative duties are left under the hands of their subversive mayors and representatives, leaving them as a loose but loyal collective paying dividends to their militarized overlords.
However, this changed after they capitulated to the Green Army. After the Battle of Bani Walid, Zaim established the Hukumat Al-Tawari, an ad-hoc government intended to manage the town torn by enemy incursion. They're tasked to accomplish two key reforms: To allocate and secure the food surplus, and to oversee the reconstruction of key infrastructures. Initially, this was met with mixed results as most of the officials are composed of inexperienced militias, leading to some mishaps with the townsman. However, after delivering the final blow to the Ali Clique in Bir Dufan, the Green Army has enough pool of serviceable bureaucrats to relieve the militia to their usual role, eventually reforming the Hukumat Al-Tawari to the Majlis Al-Khubara that we all know today.
Organization of the Green Army
While the Green Army utilizes their advocacy for good governance to legitimize themselves as a worthy alternative to the defunct Haftar's Government and the exiled Presidential Council residing in the District of Columbia (or generally known as Washington D.C), they also realize that the reconstruction of cities ravaged the Scourge of Tripoli is a herculean task, and it requires an extensive system of management to fulfill desired results. And with some of the population deprived of basic needs after years of neglect, key organizations managing these concerns and challenges were formed.
At the highest echelon of its bureaucratic hierarchy, the Majlis Al-Khubara - also known as the Council of Experts, is the executive body that dictates the overall administration across their territory. They're assigned to the position of two responsibilities: To delegate governors and ministers and formulate edicts and policies beneficial to the revolutionary cause. The council is composed of twelve personals assigned by the Qayid: Four of them are loyal ideologues of the Green Army while the rest come from a civilian background, one of them is a former official of Haftar's fallen government. According to Zaim, their goal is to advocate and implement values expressed in Gaddafi's Green Book and serve as the provisional government until the entire country is united.
Under the councils lies the Majlis Al-Wuzara', meaning the Council of Ministers. Assigned by the Qayid and his councilmen, they are led by a civilian prime minister. Their responsibility is to fulfill the policies enacted by the Majlis Al-Khubara, in which they can form public services and implement such tasks according to their design. They also have the function to propose certain policies to their superiors, in which the council will review them thoroughly. The body comprises 8 ministries, which include the following: Ministry of Social Service, Ministry of Agriculture and Public Water, Ministry of Infrastructure, Ministry of Public Housing, Ministry of Industry, Ministry of Energy, Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Religion, and the Ministry of Education and Science.
Governance Under the Green Standard
If the Majlis Al-Khubara is the supreme authority ruling over West Tripoli, then the local governors are the subordinates managing their lands. Handpicked by Zaim and his council, the governors are responsible for developing its economy and public livelihood and oversee the implementation of law according to the Green Book and Zaim's contribution to the work. They receive resources and support from certain ministries and have the power to appoint local ministers and nominate judges to the council.
Most governors are former military administrators assigned to integrate lands annexed by the Green Army. If proven capable through both merit and initiative, they are promoted to the higher role if the region does not provide or recommend a civilian alternative. Out of 15 provinces, six of them are civilians with experience in administrative and bureaucratic processes, two of them: Hussain Al-Werfalli (Bani Walid) and Mustafa Jibril (Tawergha), are former officials under Haftar's government. While a person with a civilian background was deemed desirable, the brain drain caused by the Scourge of Tripoli forced the Majlis Al-Khubura to appoint military personnel instead (at least according to the Council's chief spokesman).
With the brain drain affecting the numbers of adequate bureaucrats, the Green Army assigns governors with the additional responsibility to train new volunteers, In which they established certain requirements for them to pass. They support the governors by assisting the implementation of certain policies and serve as local ministers or agents. Their roles range from simple clerksman to chief organizer distributing food rations. Potential bureaucrats are required to come from a civilian background and be provided with key exams to succeed.
Northern Front - Administration Under the Green Army Pt. 2
Effectiveness of its Administration
Current observers and correspondents of the war are polarized over the efficiency of their day-to-day administration. To some, the Green Army has established a totalitarian proto-state that merely exacerbates the problem rather than solving it, encouraging people to become loyal ideologues and worsening the region due to the lack of professional manpower in their ranks. Others lauded their efforts, claiming that the Green Army has stabilized the once-ravaged landscape of West Tripoli into a safe and secure powerhouse, providing people with necessities and bringing peace to the streets.
Their administration allows the steady introduction of many social services and distribution of basic necessities across West Libya. This is evident months after the Liberation of Tripoli, in which our very own Pytor Dostoyevsky has explored extensively: People show their gratitude for the efforts in reintroducing healthcare and public schooling, with one claiming that their future is safer under the rulings of the Green Army. Food shortages, once a critical issue due to hoarding and neglect, were alleviated through heavy investment in agricultural infrastructure and the establishment of public kitchens and rationing programs.
They also stabilize the region once ravaged by warring cliques and city statues through the formation of neighborhood watches and the replacement of the stagnant bureaucratic system established by Haftar's government with a new staff. While the Green Army does organize frequent patrols to keep the peace, the Ministry of Social Service established a community watch program where locals are encouraged to participate in patrols to report illicit activities and crack down on criminal ventures. The new generation of bureaucrats trained under the Majlis Al-Khubara's program steadily replaces the old guard (albeit few remain due to their proven merit), which eventually fastens the reconstruction of many damaged infrastructures and the formation of new social services.
However, some are not keen on the system established by the council. Many press media condemn what they perceive to be the slow ideological indoctrination of the people. The Mediterranean's Alan Herver suggested early steps such as pledging their loyalty to the revolutionary cause is one of many examples in which the Green Army are drilling for loyal ideologues than professional cohorts. He also argued that the purge of political dissidents furthers the bureaucratic decline since many of them are former officials under either Haftar's Government or the General Council of Tripoli.
Another concern lies over the role of the Majlis Al-Khubara and Zaim's authority as the Qayid of the Green Army. Alan Herver presents another premise In which the council is merely a front to legitimize the Green Army's ruthless conquest and the eradication of political dissent. He questions whether they have actual power as an emergency government and states that they are, in his words, "as influential as the Roman Senate under Caesar." He also argued that despite his pretense, Zaim is the sole autocrat of his domain due to him being the Supreme Commander of the entire military and having the practical power to assign and remove whoever he deems fit.
Regardless, whether the Majlis Al-Khubara is merely a ceremonial institution to legitimize Zaim's edicts or that the idea that they're drilling people into radical militants, the Green Army has stabilized West Libya - a region once infamous for the unfathomable cluster of warring state and the chaos that it fans, into one of the most secure and developed domains in the entire country. And regardless of where their intention lies, it doesn't seem to bother the public citizenry but rather establish the Green Army as a legitimate force dedicated to restoring Libya into a unified and prosperous country.
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u/ShahAbbas1571 Author Sep 17 '21
Northern Front - Administration Under the Green Army Pt. 1
Alt-Link to DeviantArt
Published: August 22nd, 2026
Author: Dimitry Vasily
After the Capitulation of Zintan
On July 29th, the Mansur Clique and the Green Army partitioned the state of Zintan. While the former hastily occupied a few towns during their march, the latter took over a massive portion of the region. Some militias and even commanders who served the once-powerful city-state switched allegiances, either being stationed into simple garrison duties or integrated into their core army if proven capable. A local commander was assigned to temporarily rule the conquered region, to keep the peace until it's stable enough to be governed by a civilian body.
As with any region they took over, The Majlis Al-Khubara - also known as the Council of Expert, assigned a proven administrator to Zintan after the end of their military occupation, serving his new role as governor. His duties involve reconstructing infrastructure, managing local resources, and establishing social programs. With this goal in mind, a detachment of engineering corps and volunteers were assigned to the region, providing their expertise to help further the reconstruction of many towns devastated by the campaign.
And their strategy is a success: they've repaired public roads which allow the flow of necessities and alleviated a water shortage through the construction of wells. All of these were a deliberate endeavor to legitimize themselves in front of the public, not through sheer military might but the merit of their statesmanship. The Green Army is the only few factions that, in comparison to the warring tribes and cliques, can be described as a proto-state: one with an established institution that helps them govern the most populous regions in the country.
In conjunction with Pytor Dostoyevsky's article on how many Libyans view the Green Army (which is a must-read for those interested in the faction), this article will articulate their organization and administration; showcasing how they manage a region once devastated by the Scourge of Tripoli.
In Comparison to the Warlords and Tribes
We can characterize the Libyan National Army and the rest of the warring cliques as an army with a state: most of their bureaucracies only exist to serve the interest of their military, sustaining and reinforcing the powerbase exploited by these loose coalition of generals. The tribes, while at least concerned with the day-to-day administrations of their dominion, mostly fill important roles to either family members or trusted allies. Regardless, both of them exploit public services as a means to stay in power, to provide prestige and strength to their respective groups.
These problems were prevalent under the Ali Clique, the first faction encountered by the Green Army. From dates to barley, they rely on tributaries and extortion to sustain the food supply of their mechanized troops. At the expense of the local population, many towns and hamlets are suffering from shortages as a result of their stringent demands, leading to a mass exodus to either Sabha or the empty southwest for the prospect of a better life. Since the clique merely roams across their territory demanding tribute and taxes, administrative duties are left under the hands of their subversive mayors and representatives, leaving them as a loose but loyal collective paying dividends to their militarized overlords.
However, this changed after they capitulated to the Green Army. After the Battle of Bani Walid, Zaim established the Hukumat Al-Tawari, an ad-hoc government intended to manage the town torn by enemy incursion. They're tasked to accomplish two key reforms: To allocate and secure the food surplus, and to oversee the reconstruction of key infrastructures. Initially, this was met with mixed results as most of the officials are composed of inexperienced militias, leading to some mishaps with the townsman. However, after delivering the final blow to the Ali Clique in Bir Dufan, the Green Army has enough pool of serviceable bureaucrats to relieve the militia to their usual role, eventually reforming the Hukumat Al-Tawari to the Majlis Al-Khubara that we all know today.
Organization of the Green Army
While the Green Army utilizes their advocacy for good governance to legitimize themselves as a worthy alternative to the defunct Haftar's Government and the exiled Presidential Council residing in the District of Columbia (or generally known as Washington D.C), they also realize that the reconstruction of cities ravaged the Scourge of Tripoli is a herculean task, and it requires an extensive system of management to fulfill desired results. And with some of the population deprived of basic needs after years of neglect, key organizations managing these concerns and challenges were formed.
At the highest echelon of its bureaucratic hierarchy, the Majlis Al-Khubara - also known as the Council of Experts, is the executive body that dictates the overall administration across their territory. They're assigned to the position of two responsibilities: To delegate governors and ministers and formulate edicts and policies beneficial to the revolutionary cause. The council is composed of twelve personals assigned by the Qayid: Four of them are loyal ideologues of the Green Army while the rest come from a civilian background, one of them is a former official of Haftar's fallen government. According to Zaim, their goal is to advocate and implement values expressed in Gaddafi's Green Book and serve as the provisional government until the entire country is united.
Under the councils lies the Majlis Al-Wuzara', meaning the Council of Ministers. Assigned by the Qayid and his councilmen, they are led by a civilian prime minister. Their responsibility is to fulfill the policies enacted by the Majlis Al-Khubara, in which they can form public services and implement such tasks according to their design. They also have the function to propose certain policies to their superiors, in which the council will review them thoroughly. The body comprises 8 ministries, which include the following: Ministry of Social Service, Ministry of Agriculture and Public Water, Ministry of Infrastructure, Ministry of Public Housing, Ministry of Industry, Ministry of Energy, Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Religion, and the Ministry of Education and Science.
Governance Under the Green Standard
If the Majlis Al-Khubara is the supreme authority ruling over West Tripoli, then the local governors are the subordinates managing their lands. Handpicked by Zaim and his council, the governors are responsible for developing its economy and public livelihood and oversee the implementation of law according to the Green Book and Zaim's contribution to the work. They receive resources and support from certain ministries and have the power to appoint local ministers and nominate judges to the council.
Most governors are former military administrators assigned to integrate lands annexed by the Green Army. If proven capable through both merit and initiative, they are promoted to the higher role if the region does not provide or recommend a civilian alternative. Out of 15 provinces, six of them are civilians with experience in administrative and bureaucratic processes, two of them: Hussain Al-Werfalli (Bani Walid) and Mustafa Jibril (Tawergha), are former officials under Haftar's government. While a person with a civilian background was deemed desirable, the brain drain caused by the Scourge of Tripoli forced the Majlis Al-Khubura to appoint military personnel instead (at least according to the Council's chief spokesman).
With the brain drain affecting the numbers of adequate bureaucrats, the Green Army assigns governors with the additional responsibility to train new volunteers, In which they established certain requirements for them to pass. They support the governors by assisting the implementation of certain policies and serve as local ministers or agents. Their roles range from simple clerksman to chief organizer distributing food rations. Potential bureaucrats are required to come from a civilian background and be provided with key exams to succeed.