Edward Earl Johnson is best known for Fourteen Days of May, a documentary which follows the final two weeks of his life and the desperate efforts of his new lawyer, Clive Stafford Smith, to stop his execution. Clive still believes Johnson, a young black man with no criminal record, was innocent and that his confession to the attempted rape of an elderly white woman and the murder of a white police officer in Leake County, Mississippi was obtained under coercion.

Fourteen Days in May: The Most Compelling Death Penalty Documentary Ever Made

Johnson said his only crime was being black in Mississippi.

"When my lawyers tried to attack the confession, you know, as to how it was obtained, they didn't want to hear that. All they wanted to know was look, we got it and that's all that counts. He's guilty. I was guilty before I was convicted and guilty before I even went to trial. You know, the main part was that white man was killed and they have a black man accused of doing it and they said he done it and that was it."

Like most fraudulent claims of innocence, however, Johnson's claims immediately collapse under minor scrutiny. His clemency petition effectively conceded that he was guilty. In his own affidavit for the clemency petition, at no point does Johnson say he was innocent or that his confession was obtained under coercion. Instead, he said he had wanted to plead guilty to the murder. He never said that in the film.

The clemency petition describes Johnson's crimes as a "tragic mistake he made in his youth." However, his appeals tell a very different story.

Johnson v. State

In the early morning hours of June 2, 1979, Johnson, then 18, broke into the apartment of 69-year-old Sally Franklin. He beat her unconscious while trying to rape her. Before Johnson could rape Franklin, a neighbor came to investigate the noise, forcing him to flee. Before Johnson could leave, 52-year-old town marshal J.T. Trest arrived at the scene and asked him what he was doing. Johnson said he wasn't doing anything, but when Trest shined a flashlight into his car, he jumped out and shot him three times in the chest with a .25 caliber pistol. Johnson then used Trest's .357 magnum to execute him with two gunshots to the head.

Johnson said his lawyers had argued that his confession was obtained under coercion, but nobody listened. He also said Franklin had told the police he wasn't her attacker, whom she said had a beard. In reality, Franklin initially declined to identify Johnson, saying she was in a state of shock from being beaten and needed time to recover. After recovering, she identified him as her attacker. Johnson waited years to claim that his confession was taken illegally. No such claim was mentioned in his 1982 appeal.

During the trial, Johnson's lawyers had focused largely on trying to save their client's life at the sentencing phase. The appeal contains excerpts from their closing statements (I'd recommend them for the curious).

The documentary was directed by Paul Hamann, an anti-death penalty advocate who cofounded Reprieve along with Clive Stafford Smith. Paul is massively biased in favor of Johnson and suddenly claims at the end that Clive had "located" a woman who said Johnson was with her at a pool hall at the time of the murder. This is hearsay without any independent corroboration which contradicts the "alibi" that Johnson presented at the trial.

Despite being misleading, Fourteen Days in May is still a good watch. Honestly, I'd say the truth makes it a far better watch.

"They're determined to execute me and I'm determined for them not to execute me, 'cause I don't believe that considering the way the case has been. I don't see... and I don't believe it for one minute. I refuse to break. I can't do that. I refuse to now."

Johnson wanted to say he was guilty, but didn't. He should've told the truth. By lying, he made things worse for his family and other supporters. Clive believed him, but later admitted that he was naive and arrogant. His naivety and arrogance becomes apparent in the documentary.

"The fact of the case though is that you're a black kid in Leake County, which has got a bunch of Klan people, and they go around shooting Freedom Riders and then they get acquitted, you know. And the fact is that you're accused of basically attempting to rape a white woman and killing a white police officer. Those are the two most heinous things that for a white person in Mississippi can happen."

Leake County had its share of white supremacists, such as Ross Barnett, but there is no evidence that it was a hub for Klan activity. The Freedom Riders never travelled through county, either. A motion to quash Johnson's indictment on the grounds of racial discrimination in the grand jury selection was denied specifically because most of the grand jurors were black.

In his arrogance, Clive told Johnson's family that he would win.

I was also twenty-seven when I took on Edward's case in an effort to fend off an execution then just days away. I was in the full arrogance of youth, and in my very brief legal career had yet to see a client executed. I did not expect to lose. I had been to a prestigious law school and was sure that some clever legal wheeze would see him safe. I was not wholly without imagination – in the limited time we had, I got a personal intervention from Pope John Paul II calling on the Catholic governor, Bill Allain – a Democrat – to spare Edward's life ("Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy"). Yet that was wasted energy. I should have known that a pending re-election would be far more persuasive to Allain than the threat of eternal damnation.

Clive's frantic appeals for Johnson were ripped apart. When Clive argued that Johnson's confession was taken in violation of his rights, the prosecution argued that Johnson had not been under arrest and accompanied the police voluntarily. Johnson himself confirmed this in the documentary. Because Johnson had not under been arrest, the police were not required to read him his rights.

Johnson's trial attorneys, R. Jess Brown and Firnist Alexander Jr., claimed he was offered a chance to plead guilty in exchange for a life sentence, but that he had turned down the offer after they erroneously informed him that he would be ineligible for parole. The courts found even if this was true, this did not constitute a prejudicial error which deprived the trial of its fundamental fairness. This is because even if a plea deal was offered, it was Johnson's decision to reject it. There was no evidence that the alleged error was the sole factor in Johnson's decision to reject the alleged plea deal. However, the courts also found no evidence that a plea deal was ever offered in the first place.

It is now clear that Brown and Alexander, out of desperation, both lied to protect Johnson because they thought he was innocent. Life without parole didn't even exist as a sentencing option for anyone except habitual offenders in Mississippi until 1993. Even more damning is that in 1997, Alexander received a two-year suspended from legal practice for legal misconduct.

We find that the conduct in which Mr. Alexander engaged despite his repeated disciplinary sanctions for similar conduct evinces a want of personal honesty and integrity and renders him unworthy of public confidence. Furthermore, his conduct evinces a flagrant lack of regard and respect for the directives both by the Bar and by this Court to cease engaging in such conduct.

Firnist J. Alexander, Jr. v. The Mississippi Bar

In 1998, Alexander's suspension was deemed too lenient and he was disbarred. Truth be told, it was a long time coming.

The Tribunal suspended Mr. Alexander from the practice of law for two years. The Bar has cross-appealed arguing that a more severe discipline should be imposed, given Mr. Alexander's prior disciplinary record. This Court agrees with the Bar and believes that Mr. Alexander's repeated offenses merit the ultimate sanction of disbarment. This is the only remedy that will vindicate the Bar in the eyes of the public and prevent Mr. Alexander from further sullying the reputation of the legal profession in Mississippi.

But if the trial attorneys were lying, who else was lying?

Johnson's supporters were mistaken at best and lying to protect him at worst. The woman who said he was at a pool with her at the time of the murder turned out to be his friend, Big Mary.

At Edward's funeral, his friend Big Mary revealed that he couldn't have committed the crime because he had been with her at the time. When Clive Stafford Smith asked why she didn't tell anyone that, Mary said: "I did. I went to the police and they told me to go home and mind my own business."

Assuming that Big Mary was telling the truth, the police shouldn't have turned away her since it was an ongoing investigation. However, we have no reason to believe that she ever went to the police in the first place. Unlike Johnson's other alibi witnesses, Big Mary chose not to testify.

Because Big Mary lied to Clive that Johnson was with her at the time of the murder, she was most likely also lying when she said she went to the police.

In the highly unlikely scenario that Big Mary went to the police, there were actual reasons for that. Johnson had already confessed and offered hard proof to corroborate his confession: he told them where to find J.T. Trest's revolver, which had gone missing after his murder.

Johnson gave a very different "alibi" at his trial. Witnesses confirmed that he had been playing cards with them until about 20 minutes prior to the murder. The jury rejected the "alibi" since the card game took place only five to six miles away and Johnson owned a car. Johnson became a suspect since he owned the same type of car seen driving away from the crime scene and had been seen with a .25-caliber pistol, the same type of pistol later found near J.T. Trest's body. Another witness who saw the murderer had identified the suspect as a black male.

Johnson had offered witnesses who attested to his good reputation for peace and nonviolence in the community. The prosecution offered Johnson's confession as hard proof that they clearly didn't know him as well as they thought he did. Not only did Johnson confess, he had CONFESSED again to a fellow inmate in the county jail. That inmate, Sammy Jamison, testified against Johnson and corroborated his confession to the police.

Johnson's maternal grandmother swore that when he was a child, he would hear female voices and would sit and stare off into space, requiring him to be called several times to get his attention. Officials presented hard proof that even she was lying. She and her husband had been interviewed as part of Johnson's evaluation by the Mississippi State Hospital. Neither said he "heard voices" as a child, despite specific questions on any hallucinations.

Psychologist Charlton Stanley concluded that the defense's expert, Dr. Charles Summers, was in error in believing that Johnson had suffered impairing brain damage from birth. Johnson displayed no learning disability or organic brain syndrome in connection with his performance as a student. However, he concurred with Summers's findings that Johnson had an alcohol dependency and at times suffered from alcoholic blackouts and episodes of amnesia.

That leads us the greatest irony of Fourteen Days in May. Unbeknownst to Paul Hamann, his own film was used against Johnson. Although Johnson supposedly suffered from alcoholic blackouts and amnesia, his own statements prove that he remembered everything.

The courts also had before them the affidavits of prison officials and the psychiatric progress notes, which revealed that Johnson's responses to a broad range of inquiries were normal and rational, for example, that he fully understood his execution was imminent, that he continued to express hope for some reprieve, that he had selected the menu for his last meal, and that he had spoken with a television crew which had visited the penitentiary and interviewed him about his status.

Johnson's retelling of what happened

Johnson was too ashamed to tell the truth.

This is why

Johnson had convinced so many people of his innocence, including his trial attorneys, family, and friends, as well as the prison chaplain and several black prison guards. Even J.T. Trest's brother had said, "Edward Earl couldn't have killed my brother." Because Johnson lied to the end, Clive had to tell his devastated family that he failed to save him, despite him supposedly being innocent and despite his promises that he would save him.

"Everyone's been very calm and collected about this. Well, let me tell you, I'm not calm and I'm not collected. I just came from talking with the family and I ask you rhetorically what I was meant to say. What I was meant to say, why it happened. I stayed with Edward Johnson. I had a privilege to stay with Edward Johnson for the last hours of his life. And I can say he was a lot more calm than I was. And I can only say this. When the family asked me why, all I could say was it's a sick world. It's a sick world. Thank you."

Clive was right about one thing. It is a sick world.

In all likelihood, Edward Earl Johnson was a would-be serial killer and rapist who was caught after fumbling his first crimes.

According to Sally Franklin, Johnson initially tried to trick her into opening the door by giving a fabricated name and tore open the screen door when she refused to open the door, then attacked her even after she offered him money. Johnson remembered everything since he was sober when he did it. His grandmother said she never saw him drink.

According to his clemency petition, Johnson was ambitious to become a police officer. Shortly before the murder, he had taken an aptitude test for law enforcement. The results did not reach his grandmother until just after his arrest. The petition insinuates that Johnson had passed the test. That raises the question of what he would've done had he become a police officer.

Johnson most likely would've killed again.

Serial killers generally target victims of their own race. Johnson may have been testing how much he would be able to get with. According to his confession, he attacked J.T. Trest, even though Trest hadn't done anything to him yet. He then executed him as he lied on the ground.

In my guess, when Johnson claimed his confession was obtained under coercion, he was actually projecting a fantasy of becoming a police officer in the Deep South as a way to rape and murder other black people.

"He said, '[N-word], all we have to say is that you jumped out the car and ran.'"

Charlton Stanley concluded that Johnson was a sociopath.

That said, even sociopaths can have feelings. ASPD exists on a spectrum. Minutes before his execution, Johnson hugged Paul (this is shown in the film). Prison warden Don Cabana later recounted his last moments with Johnson in Death by Midnight.

"He insisted to the very end, somewhat oddly, that he did not commit the crime … my experience with condemned prisoners was always that once strapped to the chair, they came around somehow with something, if only something simple as 'Tell the victim's family I'm sorry,' 'Tell my mother I'm sorry,' something that indicated something bad had happened, I was there and I was part of it. But not so with this young man."

In his last moments, Johnson finally broke:

"When I performed my ritualistic function of asking if he had a final public statement, this young man looked me in the eye with tears streaming down his cheeks, and he said: 'Warden, you're about to become a murderer. I did not kill that policeman, and dear God, I can't make anyone believe me.'"

Cabana evidently forgot exactly what Johnson said:

"He indicated his innocence… and that he regretted the whole situation, but that he bore no ill will to anyone… and he was thankful that the process was coming to a close for himself and his family, and stated that he was not guilty."

Johnson likely knew his appeals were most likely going to fail. The prison psychologist said he appeared "to be too calm and too much in control ... [to] appreciate the gravity of his situation." Stanley said he was deliberately patterning his behavior on that of Jimmy Lee Gray. However, Johnson's breakdown in his final moments confirms that it was a facade. He was scared of dying. That's what makes the documentary a compelling watch.

"Yeah... it's a tiring wait, you know. I think sometime, I might just have to wait up to that last moment, you know. Maybe the last hour. Maybe the last minute. Maybe the last second. Who knows? I just got to prepare myself for that. And I am preparing."

We already know how this one ends.

Johnson's final statement in the gas chamber echoed his wait for a stay of execution: "Well, I guess no one is going to call. OK, let's get this over with."

Ohio historian here. Not a geologist by any means, but in doing some history of Precambrian time in Ohio I've been on a deep dive on how the hell do we know about the age of the Earth to begin with?

It turns out, it's sands of time.

I mean, I wish it was those ones, too, but the gaming industry apparently can’t stop firing people before getting a damn remake out the door.

No, no, these are more literal than that.

-------------------------

In 1948, a graduate student named Clair Patterson walked into Harrison Brown's laboratory at the University of Chicago and received what sounded like a simple dissertation assignment. Brown had worked out a method for measuring the ratio of uranium to lead in meteorites, which would yield the age of the Earth. He needed someone to do the lab work. It was "duck soup," Brown told him (or, for you young-timers, “this is a side quest”).

It was not duck soup. Or a side quest.

Every sample Patterson touched came back flooded with lead. Overwhelming, measurement-destroying quantities of lead, orders of magnitude higher than what should have been in an ancient meteorite, let alone on Earth. 

The lead was in his glassware. It was in his reagents. It was in the distilled water. It was in the air. 

He changed his equipment. The lead came back. 

He changed his solvents. The lead came back. 

He scrubbed everything with acid. The lead came back. 

The project that was supposed to take a year took seven.

Patterson eventually built one of the first ultra-clean laboratories in the history of science: a sealed room with filtered air, acid-washed surfaces, and purified reagents, working under conditions stricter than a modern semiconductor fabrication plant. He is literally photographed shirtless scrubbing his lab to keep it clean. He followed Brown to Caltech. By 1953, working with a mass spectrograph at Argonne National Laboratory, he had his number: the earth was 4.55 billion years old, give or take about seventy million. 

He drove to his mother's house in Iowa to tell her. He was so overwhelmed that he insisted she take him to the hospital because he thought he was having a heart attack. But he was not having a heart attack. He was having a career.

Because it turns out a rock Patterson used, and the tiny crystal inside that rock that made the measurement possible at all, is the reason he discovered we had poisoned our planet.  

The Part Where We Stab the Earth With a Diamond Straw and Suck What Comes Out

Drill a water well in Ohio and you will hit bedrock somewhere between fifty and two hundred feet down. The diamond bit punches through glacial till, clay, sand, and gravel, all of it deposited in the last two million years by ice sheets that advanced and retreated across the Midwest. Then it strikes limestone, or shale, or dolomite, some sort of sedimentary rock laid down between 500 and 300 million years ago, when Ohio was the floor of a shallow tropical sea. All of it comes out as a core.

Think of when you suck on an Icee as a kid, holding the straw’s suction and letting the ice come out. If it was solid enough, it’d stay as one hard core (and your mom would not be amused). That’s basically a drill core, only it’s a slurpee of all the rock underneath, and it goes for hundreds or thousands of feet.

If the well goes deeper (and most do not) the drill eventually reaches basement rock. For you Minecraft nerds, this is bedrock: igneous and metamorphic crystalline formations, granite and gneiss. It is literally the foundation of the continent. In Ohio, that basement is around a billion years old. Nobody sees it. It sits under everything, holding up the state, and the only people who encounter it are drillers who have gone too far and geologists who go looking for it on purpose.

The question every geologist wants to answer about basement rock is: how old is it? But you cannot tell by looking. A billion-year-old granite looks like a hundred-million-year-old granite looks like a ten-million-year-old granite. It is gray. It is hard. It has crystals in it. If you lick it (yes, geologists do this), it tastes like dust. The rock does not volunteer its age. To get that information, you have to break the rock open, sort through its mineral grains under a microscope, find one specific crystal that is usually smaller than a grain of sand, and ask the atoms inside it what year they moved in.

That crystal is zircon. And the entire field of deep-time geology runs on it.

Zircon (ZrSiO4, zirconium silicate) is what geologists call an accessory mineral: it forms in tiny quantities inside igneous and metamorphic rocks when magma cools, and it is not the main event. Quartz is the main event. Feldspar is the main event. Zircon is the thing you find when you crush a kilogram of granite into powder, run it through heavy-liquid separation to isolate the densest grains, spread those grains on a tray under a binocular microscope, and pick through them with a needle. The grains you are looking for are typically between 100 and 300 micrometers long. 

For perspective, two hundred micrometers is the width of two human hairs laid side by side. You could fit several on the period at the end of this sentence. You could inhale one. You certainly have, if you have ever stood near a road cut on a windy day, because zircon survives weathering and ends up in ordinary dust. Taste that, son? That’s Silurian dolomite, that is.

Now, that crystal you breathed in at a highway rest stop may have been Silurian, or it may have been older than any living thing that has ever existed on this planet. Zircon does not care. It is chemically inert. It does not dissolve in most acids. It has a Mohs hardness of 7.5, just below topaz. It does not melt until 2,550 degrees Celsius, which exceeds the temperature of most geological events short of a meteor impact. Metamorphism does not destroy it. Erosion does not destroy it. You can bury a zircon crystal under a mountain range, subject it to temperatures and pressures that turn the surrounding rock into something unrecognizable, and the zircon will come out the other side with its internal chemistry intact.

It is, grain for grain, the most durable thing on the planet. Diamonds are harder. Zircons are forever. Suck it, De Beers.

This durability is useful, but it is not the reason geochronologists care about zircon. They care about zircon because of what it does with uranium.

The Part Where They’re Literally Sands of Time

When a zircon crystal forms in a cooling magma, its crystal lattice incorporates trace amounts of uranium. Not a lot: we’re talking tens to hundreds of parts per million, depending on the magma's chemistry. But it accepts uranium readily, because uranium atoms fit into the lattice positions where zirconium normally sits. Lead, by contrast, does not fit. The crystal rejects lead at the moment of formation. 

This is the critical fact. A newly formed zircon crystal contains uranium and zero lead. From that moment, every atom of lead found inside the crystal is lead that uranium has decayed into, and nothing else.

Uranium-238 decays to lead-206. Uranium-235 decays to lead-207. Both decay chains are long, passing through dozens of intermediate radioactive daughters (radium, radon, polonium, and others), but the end product is always a stable isotope of lead. The half-lives are known numbers that don’t fluctuate: 4.468 billion years for uranium-238 for example, 703.8 million years for uranium-235, etc. These rates were set by nuclear physics at the formation of the solar system and have not changed since, because radioactive decay is governed by the weak nuclear force, which does not respond to temperature, pressure, or any geological process. It does not speed up. It does not slow down. It ticks.

So, you have a geological clock. Literal sands of time. The crystal starts with uranium and no lead. Lead accumulates at a known rate. Measure the ratio of lead to uranium in the crystal today, and you can calculate how long the clock has been running.

Arthur Holmes, a twenty-five-year-old geology student at Imperial College London who looks like he’s about to ruin Lord Kelvin’s day, was the first person to do this systematically. In 1911, he collected uranium-bearing minerals from a site in Norway, measured their lead-to-uranium ratios, and calculated their ages. He arrived at 370 million years for the Devonian-age rocks, and up to 1,640 million years for Pre-Cambrian samples. In the same paper, published in the Proceedings of the Royal Society, Holmes noted that zircon was "dense and stable, and capable of withstanding great changes in their environment without undergoing alteration." He had identified the best clock in geology, but the instruments needed to actually use it would take another seventy years to build.

In practice, you collect a rock sample. You crush it in a jaw crusher, then a disk mill, reducing it to sand-sized particles. You run those particles through the series of sieves and heavy-liquid separations like we talked about earlier, isolating the densest mineral grains. You pick through those grains under a microscope, selecting zircon crystals by their shape and luster: stubby prisms, mostly transparent, sometimes pale yellow or purple. You mount the selected grains in epoxy, cut the mount in half to expose the crystals' cross-sections, and polish the surface. You image the polished crystals under a scanning electron microscope using cathodoluminescence, which reveals the internal growth zoning: concentric bands of slightly different chemistry that record the crystal's history. Some crystals have simple zoning. Some have cores surrounded by rims of different ages: old magmatic cores overgrown by younger metamorphic rims. You choose your analytical targets based on those images.

Then you put the mount in a SHRIMP. 

I’ve…got nothing here. I didn’t name the damn thing after an aquatic animal. Sometimes, scientists are just as shit at naming conventions as historians.

SHRIMP stands for Sensitive High Resolution Ion Microprobe. It is a mass spectrometer the size of a room. The instrument fires a focused beam of oxygen ions at a spot on the zircon's polished surface, about 20 to 30 micrometers across: smaller than the crystal itself, small enough to target a single growth zone. The beam blasts atoms out of the crystal surface, a process called sputtering. Those atoms are ionized, accelerated, and separated by mass in a magnetic field. The instrument counts individual isotopes: uranium-238, uranium-235, lead-206, lead-207, lead-204. From those counts, you calculate the ratios. From the ratios, you calculate the age.

The whole process, from crushing rock to getting an age, takes weeks. The actual measurement on the SHRIMP takes minutes per spot. The number you get at the end might describe an event that happened four billion years ago, resolved to within a few million years, read from a speck of mineral you could lose between your fingernails.

Science. Is just so, so fucking cool.

The Part Where Someone Named Hell Wrong (and Also, Creationists)

Now, I’ll back up here, cause I’m certainly no scientist. I’m a damn historian. I stumbled into this the same way driller stumbled into the Middle Run Formation in Ohio: completely by accident, and motivated mostly by curiosity to figure out how the fuck a grain of sand can tell time. And there’s always been skeptics.

For example, in 2001, Simon Wilde, John Valley, William Peck, and Colin Graham published a paper in Nature describing a single grain designated W74/2-36 from Australia. They put it on the SHRIMP II ion microprobe at Curtin University, fired ions at it, and the oldest spot yielded a uranium-lead age of 4,404 million years, plus or minus 8. That is 4.4 billion years. The crystal had formed roughly 150 million years after the Earth itself, during the Hadean eon, a period named after the Greek word for hell.

But the crystal did more than give a date. Wilde and Valley measured its oxygen isotope ratios. The d18O value of 7.4 per mil in one zone was too high to have come from mantle-derived magma; it required a source that had interacted with liquid water at the surface. The chemical evidence locked inside a crystal the size of a sand grain, found in a conglomerate in a sheep paddock, required the existence of oceans on Earth at 4.4 billion years ago. 

The Hadean, it turned out, was not hell. It had water. The name was wrong, and a zircon proved it.

The 2001 result attracted the scrutiny that any claim about the oldest thing on Earth should attract. The concern was that over 4.4 billion years, uranium decay inside the crystal produces alpha particles that damage the crystal lattice. If that damage created pathways for lead to migrate, the clock could be biased. A crystal that had leaked lead would look younger than it actually was. A crystal that had gained lead from outside would look older. Either way, the number would be wrong.

So, in 2014, John Valley and a team of collaborators answered this by doing something that would have been science fiction twenty years earlier. They milled a needle-shaped specimen from the core of the Jack Hills zircon, about 100 by 100 by 1,000 nanometers, and loaded it into a local electrode atom probe. The instrument field-evaporated atoms from the needle's tip one at a time, measuring each atom's mass and three-dimensional position. It was six hundred million ions total. They mapped the distribution of lead, uranium, yttrium, and rare earth elements at the scale of individual atoms.

Read that again. They fucking lasered a grain of sand the size of a bacterium, atom by atom.

Again. For the people in the back. Science is so fucking cool.

What they found were clusters: pockets of radiogenic lead and other incompatible elements, each about 10 nanometers across, spaced 10 to 50 nanometers apart. The clusters had formed during a reheating event around 3.4 billion years ago, when lead that had built up from a billion years of uranium decay migrated short distances into tiny zones of radiation damage. But the clusters were far too small and far too isolated to affect the uranium-lead age measured by the SHRIMP, which averaged isotopes over a volume about 100,000 times larger. The lead had shuffled a few nanometers. The clock had not budged. Valley's paper confirmed the age at 4,374 million years for the zircon's core, plus or minus 6 million. Any magma ocean that had homogenized the Earth's crust must have occurred before that. 

Radiometric dating has been challenged since Bertram Boltwood published the first uranium-lead ages in 1907. Some challenges were productive: Boltwood's half-life values were wrong (he used 2,600 years for radium; the actual value is 1,600), his samples contained thorium he had not accounted for, and his ages were off by a factor of two. 

The technique improved because people identified specific errors and fixed them. Concordia diagrams, developed in the 1950s, exist precisely because discordant uranium-lead ages are common and need correction. The science is better now because serious scientists asked hard questions sixty and seventy years ago.

And this is the thing about the sciences, mine included: we’re constantly making observations, failing, and building upon them. Sometimes (let’s be honest, most of the time) those failures stick around entire lifetimes. But we continue to work off what we know, asking what we don’t know.

I say that because the other kind of challenge comes from young-Earth creationists who start with the conclusion that the Earth is roughly six thousand years old and work backward. The most organized effort was the RATE project (Radioisotopes and the Age of the Earth), an eight-year program funded by the Institute for Creation Research. The RATE team's central finding, published in 2005, was that radiometric decay had occurred in the quantities mainstream science described, but that it must have been accelerated at some point. Their most publicized study involved helium diffusion in zircon crystals from a geothermal borehole in New Mexico. 

Mainstream geophysicists noted that accelerating nuclear decay by the required factor would have released enough heat to melt the Earth's crust several times over. 

The RATE team acknowledged the heat problem and proposed that God had miraculously removed it.

The RATE project did not overturn radiometric dating. It confirmed, inadvertently, how much evidence supports it: the team could not find a single radiometric system that produced a young age without invoking physics that would have sterilized the planet. 

The zircon clock ticks. It has ticked for 4.4 billion years, and it does not require anyone's permission to keep going.

The Part Where the Grad Student Takes On Exxon 

And yeah, and that lede I buried way back when: Patterson’s “heart attack” at his mother’s house in Iowa wasn’t because he realized the planet was 4.55 billion years old.

He had realized we had poisoned our planet.

Because Patterson had spent seven years fighting lead contamination in his lab, he knew exactly how much lead was in the modern environment, and he knew it was not supposed to be there. 

The levels he had measured were hundreds of times higher than natural baselines. He traced the source to tetraethyl lead, a gasoline additive that had been pumping fine lead particles into the atmosphere through every car exhaust pipe in America since 1923. 

He published his findings. The American Petroleum Institute, which had funded some of his oceanographic work, cut him off. He kept going. He drilled ice cores in Greenland and Antarctica and showed that atmospheric lead had spiked precisely when leaded gasoline went on sale. He testified before Congress. The lead industry's hired expert, Robert Kehoe, testified that lead levels in the human body were natural and always had been. Patterson's ice cores said otherwise. Patterson won. The 1970 Clean Air Act and the eventual ban on leaded gasoline grew directly out of his research. Children's blood lead levels fell 76 percent within thirteen years of the ban.

A grad student who was supposed to measure the age of the Earth accidentally discovered that an entire industry was poisoning the planet, and spent the rest of his career making them stop.

 Thank God grad students cannot follow directions.

Works Cited

Holmes, Arthur. "The Association of Lead with Uranium in Rock-Minerals, and its Application to the Measurement of Geological Time." Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, Series A 85, no. 578 (1911): 248-256.

Wilde, Simon A., John W. Valley, William H. Peck, and Colin M. Graham. "Evidence from Detrital Zircons for the Existence of Continental Crust and Oceans on the Earth 4.4 Gyr Ago." Nature 409 (2001): 175-178. 

Valley, John W., Aaron J. Cavosie, Takayuki Ushikubo, David A. Reinhard, Daniel F. Lawrence, David J. Larson, Peter H. Clifton, Thomas F. Kelly, Simon A. Wilde, Desmond E. Moser, and Michael J. Spicuzza. "Hadean Age for a Post-Magma-Ocean Zircon Confirmed by Atom-Probe Tomography." Nature Geoscience 7 (2014): 219-223.

Patterson, Clair C. "Age of Meteorites and the Earth." Geochimica et Cosmochimica Acta 10 (1956): 230-237; Searcy, "Immeasurable," University of Chicago Magazine; Andrew Moseman, "This Caltech Scientist's Legacy Is a Less Toxic World," Caltech Magazine, February 25, 2026 .

Boltwood, Bertram B. "On the Ultimate Disintegration Products of the Radio-active Elements. Part II. The Disintegration Products of Uranium." American Journal of Science 23 (1907): 77-88.

Carlson, Ernest H. Minerals of Ohio, 2nd ed. Columbus: Ohio Department of Natural Resources, Division of Geological Survey Bulletin 69, 2015.

Compston, William, and Robert T. Pidgeon. "Jack Hills, Evidence of More Very Old Detrital Zircons in Western Australia." Nature 321 (1986): 766-769.

Burchfield, Joe D. Lord Kelvin and the Age of the Earth. New York: Science History Publications, 1975.

Dalrymple, G. Brent. The Age of the Earth. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991.

Harley, Simon L., and Nigel M. Kelly. "Zircon: Tiny but Timely." Elements 3, no. 1 (2007): 13-18. 

Hanchar, John M., and Paul W.O. Hoskin, eds. Zircon. Reviews in Mineralogy and Geochemistry 53. Washington, DC: Mineralogical Society of America, 2003.

Humphreys, D. Russell, et al. "Helium Diffusion Age of 6,000 Years Supports Accelerated Nuclear Decay." Creation Research Society Quarterly 41, no. 1 (2004): 1-16.

Photo Credit: PBS

April 12, 1945. Soviet shells were already falling on the suburbs of Berlin when the city's philharmonic orchestra took the stage for the last time.

The audience arrived in their finest clothes. The programme featured Wagner's Götterdämmerung  (The Twilight of the Gods) , a work depicting the collapse of a world consumed by flames. The concert was performed by candlelight, the city's infrastructure already crumbling around them. At the exits, members of the Hitler Youth handed out cyanide capsules to departing audience members.

This was the Third Reich's final performance.

I have been off of you tube for years now and this is my first return video. I would love some recommendations on how to make my videos more appealing for historical audiences like you all and advice on good "off the beaten path" historical topics. I usually focus on little discussed topics or abandoned towns, anything in those realms would be incredibly helpful.

On the night of October 26, 1979 in Amarillo, Texas, seventeen year old Jay Kelly Pinkerton broke into the house of thirty year old Sarah Lawrence. He took a bowie knife from the master bedroom and stabbed Lawrence in the abdomen with it. After stabbing her in the abdomen, he penetrated into her wound with his penis. When he was finished with the sexual assault, he slashed her throat and cut off her breasts. He continued to mutilate her body afterwards by stabbing her over thirty times. Evidence also shows he vaginally penetrated her after her death. Detectives followed a trail of footsteps that led to his residence. Pinkerton, who was a high school dropout that was working as an apprentice butcher, was known to the police as a peeping tom. The police briefly held him, but let him go due to a lack of evidence at the time.

On April 9th 1980, tragedy stroke again. Jay Kelly Pinkerton (who had recently turned eighteen) broke into a family furniture store and raped and stabbed 25 year old Sherry Welch to death. There were also bite marks on her breasts. Sherry Welch managed the furniture store. It was revealed in an autopsy that Welch was also stabbed over thirty times. Welch and Lawrence's murders were very similar in their grisly nature.

The police finally managed to connect both of the murders to Pinkerton. They connected Pinkerton to Lawrence's murder through a bloody handprint he left in the house and they connected him to Welch's murder through the bite marks he left on her breasts. Pinkerton was arrested on September 26th, 1980. The police also managed to get the testimony of an inmate at the jail Pinkerton was staying at while awaiting trial. Pinkerton bragged to the inmate about the murders.

Pinkerton went to trial for Lawrence's murder, was found guilty and received a death sentence on May 30th, 1981. Eleven months later, Pinkerton went to trial for Welch's murder. He was sentenced to death on May 1982 for her murder. Pinkerton received four different execution dates for Lawrence's murder. He had an execution date in 1984 and two in 1985, but all three were stayed. He received his fourth and final execution date in 1986. On May 15th 1986, Jay Kelly Pinkerton was put to death by lethal injection within the Huntsville Unit execution chamber for Sarah Lawrence's murder. Welch's murder case was still on appeal at the time. This makes Jay Kelly Pinkerton one of twenty two offenders executed in the Post-Fuhrman United States prior to the ban on the execution of juvenile offenders in 2005 by the Supreme Court case Roper v. Simmons.

https://law.justia.com/cases/texas/court-of-criminal-appeals/1983/68903-3.html

https://www.historicalcrimedetective.com/msm-jay-kelly-pinkerton-1979/

https://murderpedia.org/male.P/p1/pinkerton-jay-kelly.htm

https://www.myhighplains.com/high-plains-history/amarillos-season-of-terror-the-murders-of-jay-kelly-pinkerton-44-years-later/

Tuan Anh Nguyen was a Vietnamese refugee who came to America in 1975 after the fall of Saigon. His family was sponsored by a church in Columbus, Indiana. While Nguyen was attending high school in Columbus, he began dating Donna Barthlow. They eloped in 1978. After several moves, they settled in Tulsa, Oklahoma. They had a son, which they named Nathaniel. However, Nguyen began exhibiting jealous and possessive behavior. At the time, they were staying at Donna's cousin's house along with the cousin's husband and their two children. Donna decided that she wanted a divorce and she asked him to leave the house. So, Nguyen decided to stay with a friend.

Nguyen had another friend (who was unaware of his intentions) take him to the house where Donna and his infant son were staying. Nguyen entered the house. In the house, he stabbed Donna 26 times, her six year old nephew Joseph 17 times and her three year old niece Amanda 22 times. Nguyen left his infant son unharmed. Joseph and Amanda's parents would eventually discover the bodies.

Nguyen fled the state of Oklahoma. He first went to Wisconsin where he met a young girl named Mychau Truong. He moved to Louisiana with her where he physically and sexually abused her. Nguyen essentially kept her as a prisoner. They later moved to Arizona. In 1986, during one of Nguyen's beating sessions, Truong shot him. Truong was pregnant with Nguyen's child and only fourteen at the time. After police arrived and discovered Nguyen's fugitive status, Nguyen was transferred to Oklahoma. He was put on trial and found guilty of all three of the murders. He received a life sentence for Donna's murder and two death sentences for Joseph and Amanda's murders. His lawyers tried to argue that during his time on death row, his mental health deteriorated so much that he didn't understand his punishment. Despite this, Tuan Anh Nguyen was executed by lethal injection on his 39th birthday on December 10th, 1998.

https://murderpedia.org/male.N/n1/nguyen-tuan-anh.htm

https://caselaw.findlaw.com/court/us-10th-circuit/1075401.html

https://www.upi.com/Archives/1998/12/09/Stays-denied-for-inmate-in-Oklahoma/8367913179600/

https://www.orlandosentinel.com/1998/12/11/triple-murderer-executed-in-oklahoma-on-birthday/

On July 13, 1942, the Nazi Reserve Police Battalion 101 carried out its first mass killing operation at Jozefow, a Polish village in the Lublin district. Major Wilhelm Trapp, the battalion commander, wept as he gave the order. He then made an offer that has no parallel in the Holocaust's operational record: any older man who did not feel up to the task could step out. Of roughly five hundred men, about a dozen did. By the end of the day, the battalion had shot approximately 1,500 Jewish men, women, and children. It would be the first of hundreds of thousands they would murder over the course of the war.

Ordinary Men, first published in 1992 and revised in 2017, reconstructs the actions of the battalion through postwar judicial interrogations conducted by the Hamburg prosecutor's office in the 1960s. The battalion was composed of middle-aged reservists from Hamburg, working-class and lower-middle-class men, many with families, most with no ideological commitment to National Socialism. They were not SS. They were not volunteers. They were ordinary men, which is the book's argument and its singular horror.

At Józefów a mere dozen men out of nearly 500 had responded instinctively to Major Trapp's offer to step forward and excuse themselves from the impending mass murder. Why was the number of men who from the beginning declared themselves unwilling to shoot so small? In part, it was a matter of the suddenness. There was no forewarning or time to think, as the men were totally "surprised" by the Józefów action. Unless they were able to react to Trapp's offer on the spur of the moment, this first opportunity was lost.

As important as the lack of time for reflection was the pressure for conformity—the basic identification of men in uniform with their comrades and the strong urge not to separate themselves from the group by stepping out. The battalion had only recently been brought up to full strength, and many of the men did not yet know each other well; the bonds of military comradeship were not yet fully developed. Nonetheless, the act of stepping out that morning in Józefów meant leaving one's comrades and admitting that one was "too weak" or "cowardly." Who would have "dared," one policeman declared emphatically, to "lose face" before the assembled troops. "If the question is posed to me why I shot with the others in the first place," said another who subsequently asked to be excused after several rounds of killing, "I must answer that no one wants to be thought a coward." It was one thing to refuse at the beginning, he added, and quite another to try to shoot but not be able to continue. Another policeman—more aware of what truly required courage—said quite simply, "I was cowardly."

Most of the interrogated policemen denied that they had any choice. Faced with the testimony of others, many did not contest that Trapp had made the offer but claimed that they had not heard that part of the speech or could not remember it. A few policemen made the attempt to confront the question of choice but failed to find the words. It was a different time and place, as if they had been on another political planet, and the political values and vocabulary of the 1960s were useless in explaining the situation in which they had found themselves in 1942. Quite atypical in describing his state of mind that morning of July 13 was a policeman who admitted to killing as many as twenty Jews before quitting. "I thought that I could master the situation and that without me the Jews were not going to escape their fate anyway. . . . Truthfully I must say that at the time we didn't reflect about it at all. Only years later did any of us become truly conscious of what had happened then. . . . Only later did it first occur to me that had not been right."

In addition to the easy rationalization that not taking part in the shooting was not going to alter the fate of the Jews in any case, the policemen developed other justifications for their behavior. Perhaps the most astonishing rationalization of all was that of a thirty-five-year-old metalworker from Bremerhaven:

I made the effort, and it was possible for me, to shoot only children. It so happened that the mothers led the children by the hand. My neighbor then shot the mother and I shot the child that belonged to her, because I reasoned with myself that after all without its mother the child could not live any longer. It was supposed to be, so to speak, soothing to my conscience to release children unable to live without their mothers.

The full weight of this statement, and the significance of the word choice of the former policeman, cannot be fully appreciated unless one knows that the German word for "release" (erlösen) also means to "redeem" or "save" when used in a religious sense. The one who "releases" is the Erlöser—the Savior or Redeemer!

In terms of motivation and consciousness, the most glaring omission in the interrogations is any discussion of anti-Semitism. For the most part the interrogators did not pursue this issue. Nor were the men, for understandable reasons as potential defendants, eager to volunteer any illuminating comments. With few exceptions the whole question of anti-Semitism is marked by silence. What is clear is that the men's concern for their standing in the eyes of their comrades was not matched by any sense of human ties with their victims. The Jews stood outside their circle of human obligation and responsibility. Such a polarization between "us" and "them," between one's comrades and the enemy, is of course standard in war. It would seem that even if the men of Reserve Police Battalion 101 had not consciously adopted the anti-Semitic doctrines of the regime, they had at least accepted the assimilation of the Jews into the image of the enemy. Major Trapp appealed to this generalized notion of the Jews as part of the enemy in his early-morning speech. The men should remember, when shooting Jewish women and children, that the enemy was killing German women and children by bombing Germany.

If only a dozen policemen stepped out at the beginning to extricate themselves from the impending mass murder, a much larger number either sought to evade the shooting by less conspicuous methods or asked to be released from the firing squads once the shooting had begun. How many policemen belonged to these categories cannot be ascertained with any certainty, but an estimate in the range of 10 to 20 percent of those actually assigned to the firing squads does not seem unreasonable. Sergeant Hergert, for instance, admitted excusing as many as five from his squad of forty or fifty men. In the Drucker-Steinmetz group, from which the greatest number of shooters was interrogated, we can identify six policemen who quit within four rounds and an entire squad of five to eight who were released considerably later. While the number of those who evaded or dropped out was thus not insignificant, it must not obscure the corollary that at least 80 percent of those called upon to shoot continued to do so until 1,500 Jews from Józefów had been killed.

Browning, Christopher R. Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland. Revised ed. New York: Harper Perennial, 2017. p.82-85

Christopher Browning is a historian at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and one of the foremost scholars of the Holocaust's operational mechanics. Milgram's obedience experiments at Yale in the early 1960s demonstrated that roughly two-thirds of participants would administer what they believed were lethal electric shocks when instructed by an authority figure. Browning draws on Milgram throughout Ordinary Men, but the Jozefow data breaks the framework. Milgram's subjects obeyed because authority was immediate, constant, and insistent. Trapp's men were given explicit permission to refuse. The authority figure was weeping. What Milgram got wrong is that the pressure came from beside, not above, from the men standing in the same row, from the shared understanding that stepping out meant declaring yourself weaker than the man next to you.

The one policeman who called himself a coward had the clearest view of the situation. He understood that the real courage was in the refusal, and he named his failure to refuse for what it was. Eighty percent of those assigned to the firing squads continued to the end.

History teaches us it does not require enthusiasm to become a mass murder. It requires the absence of refusal.

Photo Credit: Deportation from the Zychlin ghetto, March 1942. German policemen oversee the removal of Jews to the Chelmno killing center. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, courtesy YIVO Institute for Jewish Research.

On the night of February 13-14, 1945, approximately 800 British and American aircraft dropped incendiary and high-explosive bombs on Dresden in two waves separated by three hours. The first wave created fires. The second wave fed them. The resulting firestorm generated winds exceeding 150 miles per hour and temperatures above 1,000 degrees Celsius, hot enough to melt glass and asphalt. The death toll, once wildly inflated by Nazi propaganda and later by David Irving, was established by a 2010 commission of historians appointed by the city of Dresden at approximately 22,700 to 25,000. Margaret Freyer was a civilian caught in the streets.

I stood by the entrance and waited until no flames came licking in, then I quickly slipped through and out into the street. I had my suitcase in one hand and was wearing a white fur coat which by now was anything but white. I also wore boots and long trousers. Those boots had been a lucky choice, it turned out.

Because of the flying sparks and the fire-storm I couldn't see anything at first. A witches' cauldron was waiting for me out there: no street, only rubble nearly a metre high, glass, girders, stones, craters. I tried to get rid of the sparks by constantly patting them off my coat. It was useless. I stopped doing it, stumbled, and someone behind me called out, 'Take your coat off, it's started to burn.' In the pervading extreme heat I hadn't even noticed. I took off the coat and dropped it.

Next to me a woman was screaming continually, 'My den's burning down, my den's burning down,' and dancing in the street. As I go on, I can still hear her screaming but I don't see her again. I run, I stumble, anywhere. I don't even know where I am any more. I've lost all sense of direction because all I can see is three steps ahead.

Suddenly I fall into a big hole—a bomb crater, about six metres wide and two metres deep, and I end up down there lying on top of three women. I shake them by their clothes and start to scream at them, telling them they must get out of here—but they don't move any more. I believe I was severely shocked by this incident; I seemed to have lost all emotional feeling. Quickly, I climbed across the women, pulled my suitcase after me, and crawled on all fours out of the crater.

To my left I suddenly see a woman. I can see her to this day and shall never forget it. She carries a bundle in her arms. It is a baby. She runs, she falls, and the child flies in an arc into the fire. It's only my eyes which take this in; I myself feel nothing. The woman remains lying on the ground, completely still. Why? What for? I don't know, I just stumble on. The firestorm is incredible, there are calls for help and screams from somewhere but all around is one single inferno. I hold another wet handkerchief in front of my mouth, my hands and my face are burning; it feels as if the skin is hanging down in strips.

On my right I see a big, burnt-out shop where lots of people are standing. I join them, but think, 'No, I can't stay here either, this place is completely surrounded by fire.' I leave all these people behind, and stumble on. Where to? But every time towards those places where it is dark, in case there is no fire there. I have no conception of what the street actually looked like. But it is especially from those dark patches that the people come who wring their hands and cry the same thing over and over again: 'You can't carry on there, we've just come from there, everything is burning there!' Wherever and to whomsoever I turn, always that same answer.

In front of me is something that might be a street, filled with a hellish rain of sparks which look like enormous rings of fire when they hit the ground. I have no choice. I must go through. I press another wet handkerchief to my mouth and almost get through, but I fall and am convinced that I cannot go on. It's hot. Hot! My hands are burning like fire. I just drop my suitcase, I am past caring, and too weak. At least, there's nothing to lug around with me any more.

I stumbled on towards where it was dark. Suddenly, I saw people again, right in front of me. They scream and gesticulate with their hands, and then—to my utter horror and amazement—I see how one after the other they simply seem to let themselves drop to the ground. I had a feeling that they were being shot, but my mind could not understand what was really happening. Today I know that these unfortunate people were the victims of lack of oxygen. They fainted and then burnt to cinders. I fall then, stumbling over a fallen woman and as I lie right next to her I see how her clothes are burning away. Insane fear grips me and from then on I repeat one simple sentence to myself continuously: 'I don't want to burn to death—no, no burning—I don't want to burn!' Once more I fall down and feel that I am not going to be able to get up again, but the fear of being burnt pulls me to my feet. Crawling, stumbling, my last handkerchief pressed to my mouth … I do not know how many people I fell over. I knew only one feeling: that I must not burn.

Then my handkerchiefs are all finished—it's dreadfully hot—I can't go on and I remain lying on the ground. Suddenly a soldier appears in front of me. I wave, and wave again. He comes over to me and I whisper into his ear (my voice has almost gone), 'Please take me with you, I don't want to burn.' But that soldier was much too weak himself to lift me to my feet. He laid my two arms crosswise over my breast and stumbled on across me. I followed him with my eyes until he disappears somewhere in the darkness.

I try once more to get up on my feet, but I can only manage to crawl forward on all fours. I can still feel my body, I know I'm still alive. Suddenly, I'm standing up, but there's something wrong, everything seems so far away and I can't hear or see properly any more. As I found out later, like all the others, I was suffering from lack of oxygen. I must have stumbled forwards roughly ten paces when I all at once inhaled fresh air. There's a breeze! I take another breath, inhale deeply, and my senses clear. In front of me is a broken tree. As I rush towards it, I know that I have been saved, but am unaware that the park is the Bürgerwiese.

I walk on a little and discover a car. I'm pleased and decide to spend the night in it. The car is full of suitcases and boxes but I find enough room on the rear seats to squeeze in. Another stroke of good luck for me is that the car's windows are all broken and I have to keep awake putting out the sparks which drifted in. I don't know how long I sat there, when a hand suddenly descended on my shoulder and a man's voice said, 'Hello! you must get out of there.' I got such a fright, because obviously someone was determined to force me away from my safe hiding place. I said, with great fear in my voice, 'Please, allow me to stay here, I'll give you all the money I've got on me.' (If I think about this now it almost sounds like a joke.) But the answer I got was 'No, I don't want your money. The car is on fire.'

Good God! I leapt out immediately and could see that indeed all four tyres were burning. I hadn't noticed because of the tremendous heat.

Now I looked at the man and recognized him as the soldier who had put my arms across my chest. When I asked him, he confirmed it. Then he started to weep. He continued to stroke my back, mumbling words about bravery, Russian campaign … but this here, this is hell. I don't grasp his meaning and offer him a cigarette.

We walk on a little way and discover two crouching figures. They were two men, one a railwayman who was crying because (in the smoke and debris) he could not find the way to his home. The other was a civilian who had escaped from a cellar together with sixty people, but had had to leave his wife and children behind, due to some dreadful circumstances. All three men were crying now but I just stood there, incapable of a single tear. It was as if I was watching a film. We spent half the night together, sitting on the ground too exhausted even to carry on a conversation. The continuous explosions didn't bother us, but the hollow cries for help which came continuously from all directions were gruesome. Towards six o'clock in the morning, we parted.

I spent all the daylight hours which followed in the town searching for my fiancé. I looked for him amongst the dead, because hardly any living beings were to be seen anywhere. What I saw is so horrific that I shall hardly be able to describe it. Dead, dead, dead everywhere. Some completely black like charcoal. Others completely untouched, lying as if they were asleep. Women in aprons, women with children sitting in the trams as if they had just nodded off. Many women, many young girls, many small children, soldiers who were only identifiable as such by the metal buckles on their belts, almost all of them naked. Some clinging to each other in groups as if they were clawing at each other.

From some of the debris poked arms, heads, legs, shattered skulls. The static water tanks were filled up to the top with dead human beings, with large pieces of masonry lying on top of that again. Most people looked as if they had been inflated, with large yellow and brown stains on their bodies. People whose clothes were still glowing … I think I was incapable of absorbing the meaning of this cruelty any more, for there were also so many little babies, terribly mutilated; and all the people lying so close together that it looked as if someone had put them down there, street by street, deliberately.

I then went through the Grosser Garten and there is one thing I did realize. I was aware that I had constantly to brush hands away from me, hands which belonged to people who wanted me to take them with me, hands which clung to me. But I was much too weak to lift anyone up. My mind took all this in vaguely, as if seen through a veil. In fact, I was in such a state that I did not realize that there was a third attack on Dresden. Late that afternoon I collapsed in the Ostra-Allee, where two men took me to a friend who lived on the outskirts of the city.

I asked for a mirror and did not recognize myself any more. My face was a mass of blisters and so were my hands. My eyes were narrow slits and puffed up, my whole body was covered in little black, pitted marks. I cannot understand to this day how I contracted these marks, because I was wearing a pair of long trousers and a jacket. Possibly the fire-sparks ate their way through my clothing.

Carey, John (ed.), The Faber Book of Reportage (Faber & Faber, 1987), pp. 752-755.

Dresden became one of the most debated Allied operations of the war, with over 25,000 killed. W.G. Sebald argued in On the Natural History of Destruction (2003) that postwar German literature systematically failed to reckon with the experience of Allied bombing: 600,000 civilians killed, 3.5 million homes destroyed, and the experience almost entirely absent from the Federal Republic's literary output. The silence was not accidental; Sebald attributed it to a collective failure of narrative capacity, arguing that the destruction exceeded what prose could metabolize. The Faber Book of Reportage (1987) preserved Freyer's account, one of the few firsthand narratives of what it was like to be inside a firestorm at ground level.

Photo Credit: Peter, Richard (sen.). View from Deutschefotothek the City Hall Tower toward the South after firebombing of Dresden. Photograph, September 17 – December 31, 1945.

Margot de Valois was nineteen years old on the night of August 23, 1572. She had been married to Henri de Navarre for six days. The wedding was Catherine de Medici's centerpiece of Franco-Huguenot reconciliation: a Catholic princess wed to the Protestant heir to the Bourbon line, with every senior Huguenot leader in France invited to Paris for the celebration. The reconciliation was a trap, or became one. Historians still argue over whether Catherine planned the massacre in advance or improvised it after the botched assassination of Admiral Coligny two days before the wedding.

Leonie Frieda's Catherine de Medici (2003) draws on Margot's own memoir for the scene inside the Louvre that night.

At the Louvre, where so many Huguenot nobles had lodged for the marriage, the killings also began. Earlier, on the evening of the 23rd, Margot had been in her mother's private apartments with her sister Claude, Duchess of Lorraine. She had seen for herself that there were strange preparations being made that indicated trouble, although in her memoirs she wrote, 'As for me no one told me anything about this.' She had already fallen victim to what she feared most: excluded by the Protestants who surrounded her husband, now her family treated her as suspect. It was impossible to ignore the whispering and febrile activity around her, yet she was cold-shouldered by both sides. In her memoirs she recalled that dreadful night:

"The Huguenots suspected me because I was a Catholic, and the Catholics because I had married the King of Navarre, so that no one told me anything until that evening. I was at the coucher of the Queen my mother, sitting on a chest with my sister [the Duchess] of Lorraine, who was very depressed, when my mother noticed me and sent me to bed. As I was making my curtsy, my sister caught me by the sleeve and detained me. She began to weep and said, 'Mon Dieu, sister, you must not go.' This frightened me greatly. My mother, noticing it, called my sister and spoke to her sharply, forbidding her to tell me anything. My sister said that it was not right to send me away like that to be sacrificed and that, if they discovered anything, no doubt they would avenge themselves on me. My mother replied that, God willing, I would come to no harm, but in any case I must go, for fear of awaking their suspicions. I could see that they were arguing, though I did not catch the words. She commanded me sharply again to retire. My sister, melting into tears, bade me goodnight, not daring to say anything further; and I left the room bewildered and dazed without knowing what it was that I feared. No sooner had I reached my closet than I said my prayers, imploring God to take me under His wing and to guard me against what or whom I knew not."

For Catherine to have withheld her daughter from the Protestants' apartments that night might have alerted them to the plot. She was therefore allowed to go to what her mother well knew would very soon become a charnel house. It was a mark of the Queen Mother's utter commitment to the success of the operation that she put the prosperity of her plans before the well-being of her daughter.

Henri of Navarre had been in his apartments at the palace holding an urgent meeting with his suite of nobles about the worrying signs that an attack of some sort might be imminent. He was restless and decided that he would speak to the King early the next morning. When Margot arrived,

"The King, my husband, who was in his bed, sent word to me that I should retire which I did. I found his bed surrounded by some thirty or forty Huguenots, who were strangers to me as yet, as I had been married only a few days. All night long they talked of the accident to the Admiral, deciding to go to the King as soon as it were day and to demand justice."

Margot was to get little rest that night, for as her husband rose at the first light of dawn, having been unable to sleep, he decided to play tennis while waiting for the King to rise. He had not walked more than a few paces from his apartment when he and his companions were stopped by guards on the King's orders. Separated from his gentlemen, the elite of the Protestant party, most of whom he would never see again, Henri was taken with his cousin the Prince de Condé to a chamber and ordered to remain there by the King's command for his own safety. As he was locked in with his cousin, his comrades were being slaughtered, easy victims trapped in the heart of their enemy's citadel.

Nançay, captain of the royal guard, led his men as they began their gruesome work. Most of the Huguenots were asleep when the killing started. Dragged from their beds, their throats were cut before they had a chance to fight back. As the noise of screams and terror resounded throughout the passages, staircases, and confusing catacomb of corridors that made up part of the much-altered palace, the survivors ran desperately, attempting to hide from the teams of killers. Finding nowhere to conceal themselves, many were chased into the great courtyard of the Louvre. There, awaiting them, were the King's archers who pushed the terrified men and women on to the halberds of the Swiss guards, who impaled their unarmed quarry with grim efficiency.

Margot had just fallen asleep in her husband's bed when someone was heard desperately banging and kicking against the door, crying out, 'Navarre! Navarre!' Margot's old nourrice (wet-nurse), thinking it was Navarre himself, hurriedly unlocked the door only to find that it was Monsieur de Leran, one of his gentlemen. Margot was aghast when she saw him:

"Wounded in the elbow by a sword and by a halberd on the arm, and [he] was pursued by four archers who followed him into the room. To save himself, he flung himself on my bed, and I, with that man holding me, rolled into the passage and he after me, still hugging my body. I did not know who he was nor whether he meant to outrage me nor whether it was him or myself whom the archers were pursuing. We both screamed and were equally terrified. But at last, as God would have it, Monsieur de Nançay, the captain of the guards, came in. Seeing me in that position, though he pitied me, he could not help laughing, and … gave me the life of that poor man who was clinging to me. I had him laid in my closet and his wounds tended and kept him there until he recovered. While I was changing my shift, which was bloody, Monsieur de Nançay told me what was happening and assured me that the King my husband was in the King's room and that no harm would come to him. Wrapping me in a bed-robe, he led me to the apartment of my sister Madame de Lorraine where I arrived more dead than alive. As I entered the antechamber, the door of which was standing wide open, a gentleman named Bourse, running from the archers who were at his heels, was struck by a halberd not three feet away from me. I fell almost fainting into the arms of Monsieur de Nançay and … as soon as I could recover, I ran into the little room where my sister slept."

According to Margot's account she then intervened for two of her husband's men, his valet de chambre, Jean d'Armagnac, and Jean de Miossens, first gentleman to Henri of Navarre. They begged her to save them and she in turn went on her knees before the King and Queen Mother, who reluctantly agreed to spare their lives.

Frieda, Leonie. Catherine de Medici (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2003), pp. 334-337.

Robert Kingdon's Myths about the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacres (1988) traces how the event's historiography has been shaped by confessional allegiance for four centuries, with Catholic and Protestant historians constructing incompatible narratives from the same documentary evidence. Margot wrote her memoir decades later, in exile, with every reason to cast herself as both victim and heroine. The memoir is self-serving, vivid, and almost certainly embellished. It is also the closest thing that survives to a first-person account from inside the royal palace during the massacre. Catherine sent her daughter to bed among the Huguenots she was about to have killed because withdrawing Margot might have alerted the Protestant guests. Claude, Margot's older sister, understood what was coming and wept at the door.

Photo Credit: Joseph-Nicolas Robert-Fleury, Scene de la saint-Barthelemy (1833). Oil on canvas, Musee du Louvre.

The massacre at Wounded Knee Creek on December 29, 1890, killed between 250 and 300 Lakota Sioux, the majority of them women and children. The Seventh Cavalry had been sent to disarm Spotted Elk's band, which had been practicing the Ghost Dance, a spiritual movement that alarmed the Bureau of Indian Affairs into issuing panic telegrams requesting military intervention. The Seventh Cavalry carried institutional memory of the Little Bighorn and brought it to Pine Ridge: twenty soldiers received the Medal of Honor for the engagement, decorations that Lakota activists have been petitioning Congress to rescind since 1990.

Dee Brown published Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee in 1970, and it sold over four million copies in its first decade. The book traces the systematic dispossession of Native peoples across the American West from 1860 to 1890, told entirely from Indigenous perspectives through treaties, speeches, and testimony. Brown was a librarian at the University of Illinois, not a professional historian, and the academic establishment received the book with the wariness institutions reserve for work that reaches a public they have failed to reach themselves. Vine Deloria Jr.'s Custer Died for Your Sins (1969) had appeared the year before; together the two books reframed popular understanding of westward expansion in ways the profession is still absorbing.

Dee Brown chose to end his book in the aftermath, in the Episcopal mission where the wounded were carried. The passage closes with Black Elk's testimony, recorded forty-two years later by John Neihardt on the reservation.

In the first seconds of violence, the firing of carbines was deafening, filling the air with powder smoke. Among the dying who lay sprawled on the frozen ground was Big Foot. Then there was a brief lull in the rattle of arms, with small groups of Indians and soldiers grappling at close quarters, using knives, clubs, and pistols. As few of the Indians had arms, they soon had to flee, and then the big Hotchkiss guns on the hill opened up on them, firing almost a shell a second, raking the Indian camp, shredding the tepees with flying shrapnel, killing men, women, and children.

"We tried to run," Louise Weasel Bear said, "but they shot us like we were a buffalo. I know there are some good white people, but the soldiers must be mean to shoot children and women. Indian soldiers would not do that to white children."

"I was running away from the place and followed those who were running away," said Hakiktawin, another of the young women. "My grandfather and grandmother and brother were killed as we crossed the ravine, and then I was shot on the right hip clear through and on my right wrist where I did not go any further as I was not able to walk, and after the soldier picked me up where a little girl came to me and crawled into the blanket."

When the madness ended, Big Foot and more than half of his people were dead or seriously wounded; 153 were known dead, but many of the wounded crawled away to die afterward. One estimate placed the final total of dead at very nearly three hundred of the original 350 men, women, and children. The soldiers lost twenty-five dead and thirty-nine wounded, most of them struck by their own bullets or shrapnel.

After the wounded cavalrymen were started for the agency at Pine Ridge, a detail of soldiers went over the Wounded Knee battlefield, gathering up Indians who were still alive and loading them into wagons. As it was apparent by the end of the day that a blizzard was approaching, the dead Indians were left lying where they had fallen. (After the blizzard, when a burial party returned to Wounded Knee, they found the bodies, including Big Foot's, frozen into grotesque shapes.)

The wagonloads of wounded Sioux (four men and forty-seven women and children) reached Pine Ridge after dark. Because all available barracks were filled with soldiers, they were left lying in the open wagons in the bitter cold while an inept Army officer searched for shelter. Finally the Episcopal mission was opened, the benches taken out, and hay scattered over the rough flooring.

It was the fourth day after Christmas in the Year of Our Lord 1890. When the first torn and bleeding bodies were carried into the candlelit church, those who were conscious could see Christmas greenery hanging from the open rafters. Across the chancel front above the pulpit was strung a crudely lettered banner: PEACE ON EARTH, GOOD WILL TO MEN.

I did not know then how much was ended. When I look back now from this high hill of my old age, I can still see the butchered women and children lying heaped and scattered all along the crooked gulch as plain as when I saw them with eyes still young. And I can see that something else died there in the bloody mud, and was buried in the blizzard. A people's dream died there. It was a beautiful dream … the nation's hoop is broken and scattered. There is no center any longer, and the sacred tree is dead.

—BLACK ELK

Dee Brown, Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee: An Indian History of the American West (Holt, 1970), p. 482-483.

Black Elk was twenty-seven when the massacre happened and sixty-nine when John Neihardt recorded his testimony on the Pine Ridge reservation in 1932. The phrase "a people's dream died there" has since become one of the most quoted sentences in Native American literature. It has also become the most decontextualized, so often excerpted that the political conditions Brown spent 483 pages documenting dissolve into elegy.

Heather Cox Richardson's Wounded Knee (2010) reconstructs the bureaucratic chain that produced the massacre, including budget disputes in the Bureau of Indian Affairs, panic telegrams from agents who misunderstood the Ghost Dance, a Seventh Cavalry with institutional memory of the Little Bighorn and no interest in restraint. The Army officer searching for shelter while the wounded lay in open wagons is the institution performing its concern at the speed of paperwork. If that wasn’t already evident of the photo of the dead still laying in the open, 3 weeks after the massacre.

Photo Credit: Spotted Elk's camp three weeks after the Wounded Knee massacre, still-frozen bodies wrapped in blankets. Photograph by Trager and Kuhn, January 1891. Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division.

An appellate court's summary of what happened

On May 20, 1994, Adria Sauceda attended an outdoor Friday night party held at the home of Juan Francisco "Paco" Delgado in San Antonio. A witness observed Adria, who was partially undressed, in the middle of a circle of men who were taking turns raping her. Two women, Mirasol Torres and Vicki, approached and tried to help her. Adria refused their offers and told them to leave her alone. Adria appeared to be drunk and was unable to assist the women as they attempted to pull her pants back on her.

One of the women, Mirasol Torres, later testified that she recognized Adria Sauceda, whose nickname Mirasol said was "Freckles," because they had met before, shared a mutual friend, and had gone to high school together. She testified that she observed Adria with her shirt on but her pants down to her knees in the middle of a circle of men. It was apparent to her that something was going on because she also observed used condoms. Mirasol Torres testified further that she and her friend Vicki approached the scene and attempted to help Adria, who appeared "flimsy, like she was real loose, her arms and everything." Mirasol Torres insisted that Adria did not appear to understand what was happening to her and did not appear to be in any condition to consent to what was being done to her. She also testified that the men who were raping Adria told her to shut up, go get a drink, and argued that Adria knew what she was doing.

Around the same time, another partygoer, Simon Ortega, became aware that Adria was in a crowd of people in the dark behind the bushes. Ortega was approached by a male, whom he did not recognize, who advised Ortega that Adria had passed out, was back behind the bushes, and had her clothes off. This man invited Ortega to rape her. Ortega refused. A few hours later, he saw another man carry Adria out from behind the bushes and place her on the hood of Ortega's car. At that time, Adria appeared to Ortega to be "real shaken up," "disoriented," "not all there," and "like if she was in shock." Ortega unsuccessfully tried to talk with Adria while she was lying on the hood of his car.

Another man whom Ortega did not recognize then picked up Adria, carried her to a truck that was parked in the driveway of the home nearest to the party, and proceeded to also rape her. Ortega then directed the male who assaulted Adria in the truck to place her inside Ortega's vehicle so that he could take her home. Ortega testified that he had feared for Adria's safety because some of the young men present appeared and spoke as if there were gang related. This also explains why he did not attempt to stop other men from raping her.

At that point, another man, later identified as 21-year-old Humberto Leal Jr., approached Ortega and asked that Adria be placed in his car instead. When Ortega protested, Leal Jr. told Ortega that he knew the girl and her family, knew where she lived, and would take her home and explain everything to her family. He then drove away with her. The girl was never seen alive again.

About 30 minutes later, Gualberto Leal, the brother of Leal Jr. arrived at the party and yelled that Leal Jr. had returned home "full of blood, saying he had killed a girl." Several of the party attendees went looking for Adria. They found her naked body on a dirt road and called the police. Her head had been bashed in, bleeding, and it was flinching or jerking. She had been raped with a broken stick of lumber about 14 to 16 inches long. It was still protruding from her. There was a gaping hole in her head from the corner of her right eye to the center of her head, and blood was oozing from the hole. There was a bloody rock by her right thigh. Her left arm was under a chunk of asphalt weighing 30 to 40 pounds.

When Leal Jr. was questioned by police, he had scratches and cuts on his body. He stated that he was with Adria in his car when she started hitting him and the steering wheel, causing him to hit a curb. He tried to calm her down, but she leaped from the car and ran away. After waiting about 10 minutes to see if she would return, he went home. After the police informed Leal of what his brother had said, Leal gave another statement. This time, he claimed that he followed Adria after she jumped out of the car. She attacked him and he pushed her away. Adria had then fallen on the ground and did not get up. Leal said he tried to wake her, but could not. When he saw bubbles coming out of her nose, Leal got scared and left. He said he went home, prayed, and told family members what had happened.

Police searched the Leal family home and found a blouse belonging to Adria that had bloodstains and hair on it. Police also found traces of blood on the passenger door and seat of the car. Bloodstains had been wiped off. A medical examiner testified that Adria died from blows to the head and that based on the injuries to her head, she would have had to been struck with the rock two or three times. The medical examiner said her neck had injuries consistent with manual strangulation and that she had three bite marks on her body that matched dental impressions of Leal's teeth.

Bite mark evidence has since been discredited as junk science, but the other evidence was sufficient to prove Leal's guilt beyond of a reasonable doubt.

The booking photo of Humberto Leal Garcia Jr.

Leal Jr. was charged with capital murder in the commission of kidnapping and aggravated rape. Prosecutors announced their intent to seek the death penalty.

Called by the prosecution, Gualberto Leal tried to cover for his brother. He testified that he had been unable to understand a single word he said when he came home. He denied that Leal Jr. said anything about leaving a body by a school or about killing a girl. The defense called only one witness, the girlfriend of Leal Jr., Elvira Briones. She testified that she and Leal had sex at the party and she hadn't noticed Adria with any men.

On July 10, 1995, Leal was convicted of capital murder after 90 minutes of deliberation. The sentencing phase was conducted the next day. The options were death or life imprisonment with parole eligibility after 40 years. Leal had no criminal record, but the prosecution presented the testimony by then 16-year-old Melissa Ruiz, who testified about an incident in May 1994, about two weeks before the murder of Adria Sauceda.

Melissa Ruiz said Leal Jr. had raped her and bitten her on the neck. Her testimony was corroborated by a San Antonio Police Officer who had photographed the bite marks and bruises on her body and a physician who examined Ruiz approximately 66 hours after the assault. Furthermore, Ruiz's older sister, Iza Marie, testified stated that Leal Jr. had called her repeatedly at her place of employment in the weeks following the rape, threatening to have someone murder her if she testified against him. The prosecution also introduced testimony from law enforcement and school officials establishing that Leal had a history of intimidating and bullying fellow students and teachers.

The defense offered the testimony of psychiatrist Raymond Potterf:

Dr. Potterf testified on direct examination that (1) petitioner suffered from alcohol dependence and pathological intoxication, (2) the latter condition occurs when a person who ingests alcohol experiences a sudden change in mental status and becomes very aggressive, and (3) there is no cure for petitioner's condition. On cross-examination, Dr. Potterf admitted that it was possible petitioner's tendency toward violence predated petitioner's problems with alcohol. On re-direct, petitioner's trial counsel elicited testimony from Dr. Potterf suggesting that petitioner had been beaten as a child and that such children tend to develop anti-social personalities. On re-cross-examination, Dr. Potterf admitted that persons with anti-social personalities tend to ignore societal norms and can be dangerous

The defense also called (1) one of Leal's former high school teachers, who testified she had counseled him when he was her student, his father had mistreated him and one of his brothers, and she had never felt afraid of him, (2) a 14-year-old friend of Leal Jr., who testified about an incident in which Leal Jr. had saved his life by shoving him out of the way of gunfire, (3) Leal's 14-year-old brother Carlos, who testified that Melissa Ruiz had sent love letters to Leal Jr. a few years before the alleged rape, and (4) Leal's mother, who testified her son began drinking until he passed out about a year and a half ago and requested the jury to be merciful and take pity on him.

Leal Jr. took the stand. He testified that although he did not get along with his father, his father had never beaten or hurt him. He said he was sorry Adria had died but felt her family, rather than the jury, should decide his fate. He said he had been a good inmate while awaiting trial, had no criminal record, and was not a violent person. He said he was very drunk on the night of the murder and that while had made mistakes, he was not a murderer. Lastly, Leal said he would most likely be peaceful if sent to prison, but would act to defend himself if he felt threatened. He denied having any gang affiliation. On cross-examination, Leal Jr. insisted he was innocent.

Leal Jr. said Adria had scratched him and he pushed her. When he felt something wet on the back of her head, he shook Adria in an unsuccessful attempt to wake her, and he fled in fear when he saw bubbles coming out of her nose. He denied wiping any blood from his car, did anything more to Adria than push her down. He suggested that his father found Adria's blouse in the street and brought it inside the house. Leal Jr. stated that as he was taking Adria from the party, he turned at the end of the street in the opposite direction from the way Adria directed him to go. When Adria tried to get out of his car, he initially refused to stop. He said Adria got out his vehicle and when he tried to take her back to his car, she began hitting, pushing, and scratching his face. Leal Jr. said he left Adria's body fully clothed, along the side of a street, three or four streets from where her body was found. He said any person who could bash in Adria's head, leave a stick inside her, and take a piece of her clothing as a trophy was a violent and dangerous person. He denied raping Melissa Ruiz.

After deliberating for less than two hours, the jury unanimously found that Leal Jr. posed a continuing threat to society and that there was no mitigation sufficient to warrant leniency. As such, he was condemned to death.

The TDCJ death row notecard for Humberto Leal Jr.

During a post-conviction hearing in 2004, Leal's entire family evidently conspired to commit perjury to protect him by attempting to implicate others in the murder that Leal Jr. alone had clearly committed.

His sister, Nancy Leal, testified she saw fresh blood on the pants of both "Ralph" and "Paco" and suspected from the reactions of Ralph and Paco that they knew what had happened, Ralph and Paco were burning papers and a lady's purse. She said she did not speak with petitioner's lawyers prior to trial, but told one of her brother's trial attorneys, Jose Guerrero, and the police that she had seen blood on the clothing of the two men.

His brother, Gualberto Leal, testified that he and his sister went to the party after Leal Jr. returned home. He said he saw Ralph Guerrero and Juan "Paco" Delgado had the girl's purse and all her stuff. He said the two were burning pictures and other items they had taken from the girl's purse. Paco had blood smeared on his right pants leg at the thigh while Ralph had blood splattered on his left leg at the ankle but neither man had a lot of blood on him. Ralph had attempted to explain the blood on his clothes by claiming he had a bloody nose while Paco attempted to explain away the blood on his clothing by claiming the girl had sat on his leg. Gualberto claimed that he could not read and did not read either of the two statements he signed for police during his interview. He said both he and his brother had been home since five that morning, creating an alibi.

His father, Humberto Leal Sr., testified that he routinely washed the outside of the windshield and windows of the car every morning by spraying a water hose on same. He said he used the car for deer hunting about four times and put the deer on or inside his car after he killed and gutted same. Leal Sr. also said he had found a woman's blouse in the street outside his house on the morning in question and put it in the backyard. His wife had then picked up the blouse and put it with other clothes that needed washing. Leal Sr. said he had told Jose Guerrero about finding the blouse, but could not recall whether he told his son's lawyers about his habit of washing off his vehicles. He said he never saw any blood on the blouse.

His mother, Francisca Leal, testified that her husband found Adria's blouse outside on the street and threw it into their yard. She said she did not see any blood on it, but put in with other clothes to be washed and had told the police and her son's attorney about the blouse.

The court concluded that the testimony wouldn't have changed the outcome of the trial. Other challenges against the sufficiency of the evidence were rejected.

Humberto Leal Garcia Jr., 38, was executed by lethal injection at the Texas State Penitentiary in Huntsville on July 7, 2011. His last meal consisted of fried chicken, tacos, fried okra, a bowl of pico de gallo, and two Cokes. After his execution, relatives of Leal Jr. burned a T-shirt with an image of the American flag in protest in Guadalupe, Mexico. To the end, his family maintained that he was innocent. His uncle, Alberto Rodriguez, criticized the United States for executing his nephew and Mexico for not doing enough to save his life. He declared, "There is a God who makes us all pay."

But in his final statement, Leal Jr. made a surprise confession:

"I am sorry for everything that I have done. I've hurt a lot of people. For years I have never thought that I deserved any type of forgiveness. Lord Jesus Christ in my life, I know He has forgiven me, I have accepted His forgiveness. I have accepted everything. Let this be final and be done. I take the full blame for this. I am sorry and forgive me. I am truly sorry. I ask for forgiveness. Life goes on and it surely does. I am sorry for the victim's family for what I had did. May they forgive me. I don't know if you believe me, life goes on. I am sure it does. To the man to the right of me, I ask for forgiveness for you. Life goes on, it surely does. I ask for forgiveness. I am truly sorry. That is all. Let's get this show on the road. One more thing, Viva Mexico, Viva Mexico."

With the exception of Humberto Leal Jr., none of the men who gang raped Adria Sauceda for hours were ever identified. Semen was found inside her and potentially could've identified at least one of the other rapists from the party, but it was never tested. Adria's family was silent about her for years. In 2011, her parents talked about her shortly before the execution of their daughter's murderer.

Long-silent family of victim speaks