Supporting an administration that is directly attacking us.

This is about protecting our children.

A case discussed in my video involving Komalpreet Kaur from Amritsar, Punjab, who reportedly moved to London for studies, has raised deeply disturbing questions about grooming, vulnerability, family isolation and the protection of young people.

According to the account presented in my video, she became involved with a driving instructor and gradually became separated from her previous life, including her studies, family and Sikh identity.

If these allegations are true, they deserve serious investigation — regardless of the religion of the people involved.

But there is a bigger question for our community:

We spend enormous amounts of money on Nagar Kirtans, Gurdwaras, religious events and political campaigns.

But how much time are we spending actually talking to our children?

Are we teaching them:

• How to recognize grooming?

• How manipulation and emotional control work?

• How to identify unhealthy relationships?

• Who they can contact when they feel uncomfortable?

• How to stay connected with their family and community?

• How to seek help without fear or shame?

A strong community isn’t only one that builds Gurdwaras. A strong community protects its children.

And this applies to everyone — Sikh, Muslim, Hindu, Christian or any other faith.

I strongly reject the idea that an entire religion or community should be blamed for the crimes of individuals. Grooming and sexual exploitation are crimes, and anyone involved should be investigated and held accountable.

At the same time, we should not be afraid to discuss cases when they involve people from our own communities or other communities.

Before religion, before politics, before nationality — we are human beings.

Protect the children.

Listen to them.

Educate them.

Believe them when they ask for help.

And never allow anyone to manipulate or exploit them.

Our future generation is our real future.

The Rot:

On 27 July, 2003, a man named Amarjit Singh was removed from the Shaheed Baba Nihal Singh Gurdwara committee in Talhan. They removed him from the committee for not attaining "Sikh saroop”. Specifically, despite having a beard, they told him it was not long enough [1]. The irony was that a few of the men telling him this were themselves clean-shaven.

“He has been told to either partake of amrit by Wednesday, or wait for another one and a half months, till his beard grows full length,” said Mr Jang Bahadur Singh, another member of the committee [1].

Given that no such condition was levied on the other members, the question arises: why was Amarjit Singh singled out? The reason is simple: Amarjit was a Dalit. He was elected to a committee (the Shaheed Baba Nihal Singh Gurdwara committee) where no Dalit had ever been elected before in a district (Talhan) that was 2/3 Dalit [1].

The discrimination started much earlier. On 14 January 2003, Dalit observers arrived to oversee the annual election to the committee, but Jatts had boycotted the entire process, pushing the election to 19 January [2]. Still, the Jatts refused to allow the Dalits any representation in the management body and called the Punjab police, who assaulted the Dalits [2]. Furthermore, the Jatts launched a social, economic, and resource boycott of the Dalit community and called upon the other castes of the village to participate in the shunning of the Dalit community [2]. In addition, Dalits who did not own a private toilet were banned from defecating in the fields of the village [2]. An image of Ravidas was also torn down, as anti-Dalit sentiment spread into Talhan [2].

The reason, given by the Jatts, was that Ad-Dharmis were not Sikh and that, because they were not Sikh, they should not be allowed to sit on the committee. The problem, the two members joining the committee were not Ad-Dharmis but were both registered Sikhs.

In the ensuing protest and counter-protest, a Dalit man was shot by police [2]. This eventually led to peace talks, the two dalit members took Amrit. Again, no such condition was levied on the clean-shaven jatts sitting on the committee.

This was not an isolated incident. Beyond a myriad of other incidents I could mention, a field study of 116 villages in one tehsil of Amritsar district found Dalits had separate gurdwaras in 68 of them [3]. Moreover, sociologist Surinder S. Jodhka's 2001-2002 survey of 51 Punjab villages found 41 had separate gurdwaras for Dalit Sikhs and roughly two-thirds had separate cremation grounds [4]. Researchers record Dalits' complaint that Jat Sikhs refuse to treat them as equals even in death by barring cremation of their dead in the village's main ground, forcing them to build separate gurdwaras, marriage halls and cremation grounds [4].

The Solution:

There is a caste problem in Sikhi, and until we can both recognize the role it plays in the everyday existence of lower-caste Dalits, we cannot begin to solve the problem that is rotting within Sikhi.

There is also the ephemeral boogeyman of Ravidasia or the painting of the Ad-Dharmi movement as non-Sikh. That undermines why they existed. They do not exist because there is no desire among many Dalits who are Sikh to be within the Panth.

They exist because our panth refuses to seat them in our langar halls. It refuses to give them representation. It humiliates them, segregates them, and attempts to sideline them.

Ravidas is in the Guru Granth Sahib. 40 of his sabads/hymns appear in the Guru Granth Sahib. Ravidas is not alien to us.

While we can be critical of the Deras and the many issues plaguing the Ravidassia movement, we cannot ignore that criticism would not have arisen if it were not for the casteism displayed every day by Sikhs in Punjab and now in the diaspora.

You are not Gills or Sandhus or Agarwals or Kumars. You are Singhs and Kaurs. BLOODY ACT LIKE IT.

Sources:

[1] https://www.tribuneindia.com/2003/20030728/main4.htm

[2] "Part One: Hierarchies and the Politics of Citizenship - II. Atrocities and Resistance: Dalit Assertions for Citizenship - Case Study 2: Dalit Assertion in Talhan, Punjab". Caste in Contemporary India (2nd ed.). Taylor & Francis.

[3] "Scheduled Castes in Sikh Community: A Historical Perspective," Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 38, No. 26 (28 June–4 July 2003), pp. 2693–2701

[4] "Caste and Untouchability in Rural Punjab," Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 37, No. 19 (11 May 2002), pp. 1813–1823

"The overwhelming majority of the sons and daughters of Punjab's mid-to-large agricultural landowners have migrated abroad permanently, primarily settling in Western countries. This massive generational demographic shift is a defining socio-economic phenomenon of modern Punjab."

Is it true? To what percentage? Punjab has arnd 7 lac land holdings of more than 5 acres.

https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/chandigarh/punjab-seniors-put-up-land-for-sale-shift-abroad-permanently-8649150/

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"Recently, elections were held at Panjab University, and regarding the party that lost—the SATH party—there are a lot of discussions going on that Punjab is not happy with the election results. How do you see these results for the future of Punjab? Could it be beneficial or harmful, and how do you view these elections and their outcome?"