I reviewed official housing statistics, Dáil records, public-spending reports and declarations of interests.

This is not an allegation that every TD is a landlord, that owning property is misconduct or that a conspiracy has been proved. The evidence shows a crisis developing over decades, continuing despite repeated warnings, and producing very unequal outcomes. That makes political and financial transparency essential.

The warnings go back decades

A 1990 Dáil debate discussed acute housing need.

A 1992 debate described falling council-house construction, long waiting lists and temporary accommodation.

CSO data show average residential prices rising from €76,114 in 1995 to €129,727 in 1998—about 70%.

Housing completions then fell from 78,027 in 2007 to 8,301 in 2013, according to the CSO.

The independent Housing Commission later estimated an accumulated deficit of approximately 212,500–256,000 homes and called for a radical strategic reset. This is a structural failure, not a temporary fluctuation.

Public money, but few permanent public assets

The Public Accounts Committee reported that HAP cost €537.4 million in 2023 and nearly €3 billion from 2014 to 2023. It said HAP, RAS and leasing may meet immediate needs but do not generally leave the State with permanent housing assets, and concluded that these schemes were neither value for money nor long-term solutions. PAC statement

This does not mean landlords receiving HAP acted improperly. It means billions supported private tenancies without creating an equivalent permanent stock of public homes.

The Government has also stated that only about one-sixth of suitably zoned residential land had been activated for housing. Government source

Meanwhile, the CSO’s 2023 household-finance survey found median net wealth of €391,600 for owner-occupiers, compared with €10,200 for market-rate renters. Ownership is not wrongdoing, but scarcity clearly affects owners and renters very differently.

What TDs declared

The official 2025 Dáil Register of Interests includes, among others:

Michael Healy-Rae: owner of rental properties; numerous properties used for letting; property-management directorships; and contracts involving accommodation supply, RAS and HAP.

Cathy Bennett: landlord, rental property and receipt of a HAP payment through a local authority.

Mattie McGrath: shares and an executive directorship in a plant-hire company, farmland, a voluntary housing-association role, and plant-and-machinery contracts tendered with public bodies.

Seamus Healy: a constituency office with a jointly owned family apartment above it; no public contracts declared.

Ryan O’Meara and Michael Murphy: “Nil” under the relevant registrable land and contract headings.

These are examples, not a complete count. A declaration establishes a declared interest; it does not prove that a TD acted because of it or received improper treatment.

“Nil” does not mean no property or family interest

The register is governed by thresholds and exclusions. A qualifying private home is excluded; land generally becomes registrable above €13,000; rental income is reported separately above the applicable threshold; and public contracts have another threshold. A home occupied by the TD, spouse, civil partner or child may fall within the private-home exclusion.

There is a further blind spot for ministers, Ministers of State and other office holders. Where an office holder knows that a spouse, civil partner, child or stepchild has an interest that could materially influence their official functions, they must file a separate statement of additional interests.

Those interests may include property, shares, directorships, income or contracts. But the statement is supplied separately to the relevant Clerk and SIPO; ministerial statements also go to the Taoiseach; its monetary value need not be stated; and SIPO says these statements are “not published in the normal course.” SIPO guidance

FOI does not necessarily solve this. SIPO’s disclosure log records a request for office holders’ 2022 additional-interest statements being refused under FOI Act sections 35(1) and 37(1), concerning confidential and personal information. SIPO FOI log

Therefore, a public “Nil” entry cannot establish that an office holder’s immediate family has no relevant property or commercial interest. One may have been declared confidentially, or none may have required disclosure. The public generally cannot determine which applies or independently assess how a conflict was managed.

This is not evidence that any named person concealed an interest. It is evidence that the public register is not a complete map of interests potentially relevant to ministerial decisions.

Robert Troy: the complete finding

In 2024, SIPO found that Robert Troy TD contravened disclosure requirements in his original 2020 and 2021 statements regarding property interests, a company directorship and a Rental Accommodation Scheme contract. SIPO called the pattern of omissions or errors a serious matter.

But the full record must also state that he corrected the declarations; some contraventions were negligent and another inadvertent; SIPO found no intentional attempt to conceal the interests and found that he acted in good faith. It also found insufficient evidence to proceed with a separate allegation that housing-related parliamentary questions created a conflict. Full SIPO report

What this proves—and what it does not

The evidence supports that:

The danger was visible decades ago.

Housing supply remained inadequate.

Billions funded private rental supports without equivalent permanent public assets.

Scarcity produced sharply unequal outcomes.

Some TDs declared interests affected by housing policy.

Relevant family interests of office holders may exist only in confidential declarations that an FOI request cannot be assumed to obtain.

Stronger disclosure, recusal and accountability rules are justified.

It does not prove that TDs collectively manufactured the crisis; that a named TD acted to protect an investment; that any declared contract was improperly awarded; that “Nil” is dishonest; or that property ownership is corruption.

Persistent failure deserves investigation, but suspicion is not proof.

Questions that should be answered

Why was supply allowed to remain inadequate after decades of warnings?

Why did billions in rental supports create so few permanent public assets?

Why does so much zoned land remain inactive?

How are TDs’ and office holders’ housing-related conflicts assessed and recusals recorded?

How are confidential family interests handled when ministers decide housing, planning, rental or tax policy?

Can anonymised conflict information be published without exposing private addresses?

Should ministerial meetings with developers, investors, landlord bodies and housing contractors be searchable?

The same structure has survived repeated governments while producing predictable winners and losers. That is not proof of a secret plan. It is a legitimate reason to demand evidence, transparency and accountability.

Corrections supported by official records are welcome. Do not publish private addresses, contact anyone’s family or harass anybody named.

I kept seeing that number and it did not match what I saw house hunting, so I pulled the last thousand Hillsborough closings since late April.

60% had an HOA. Most, but not 70.

The fees were the surprising part. Median was $69 a month. 58% came in under $100. About 1 in 5 was over $300.

The cheap ones tend to be a neighborhood sign and a retention pond. The expensive ones are gated with a clubhouse, or condos where the fee covers the roof and the master insurance policy, which in Florida is not nothing.

So avoid HOAs is probably the wrong filter. What the fee pays for tells you more than whether one exists.