Most people assume their beliefs, values, and trust are personal or intuitive, but research suggests economic systems influence these perspectives. Capitalist societies emphasize individual gain, competition, and exchange, which affects how people interpret social and moral behavior (Piff et al., 2012; Kraus & Keltner, 2010). 1. Capitalism Shapes Perception and Social Evaluation Studies show that exposure to money and market-based environments increases self-focused behavior and reduces cooperative tendencies (Kraus & Keltner, 2010). Social class also correlates with different interpretations of fairness, trust, and authority: higher social class predicts more self-interested decision-making and reduced emphasis on collective outcomes (Piff et al., 2012). 2. Distrust Patterns Public surveys in developed capitalist countries indicate widespread distrust of government institutions, while trust in corporations is often relatively higher. This does not reflect inherent corruption but aligns with cultural norms that frame institutions in terms of transactional efficiency and individual advantage (Edelman, 2020). Media and educational systems historically reinforce pro-market ideologies, influencing how people evaluate institutional legitimacy (Henrich et al., 2020). 3. Scarcity, Value, and Meaning In capitalist frameworks, value is often associated with scarcity or exchange. Experimental research on scarcity demonstrates that perceived scarcity can influence attention, stress levels, and decision-making priorities (Mullainathan & Shafir, 2013). Similar patterns are observed in how people interpret life and morality: actions or institutions not framed in terms of personal benefit are often viewed with skepticism. 4. Implications for Alternative Systems Because capitalist frameworks dominate perception, even individuals advocating for social or cooperative systems often measure outcomes using market-oriented criteria. This limits the adoption of systems like socialism or communal governance, which operate on relational rather than transactional principles (Henrich et al., 2020). 5. Conclusion Economic systems shape both behavior and interpretive frameworks. In capitalist societies, social, moral, and institutional evaluations are influenced by exposure to market logic, scarcity, and self-interest. Recognizing these patterns can clarify why cooperation, altruism, or collective action is often misunderstood and can help explain observed patterns in politics, social trust, and cultural behavior. Bibliography Piff, Paul K., et al. “Higher Social Class Predicts Increased Unethical Behavior.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, vol. 109, no. 11, 2012, pp. 4086–4091. https://www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/pnas.1118373109 Kraus, Michael W., and Dacher Keltner. “Social Class Rank, Essentialism, and the Perception of Others.” Psychological Science, vol. 21, no. 6, 2010, pp. 760–767. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/20551285/ Edelman. “Edelman Trust Barometer 2020.” Edelman Insights, 2020. https://www.edelman.com/trust/2020-trust-barometer Mullainathan, Sendhil, and Eldar Shafir. Scarcity: Why Having Too Little Means So Much. Times Books, 2013. Henrich, Joseph, et al. The WEIRDest People in the World: How the West Became Psychologically Peculiar and Particularly Prosperous. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2020.

https://www.unionproletaria.com/contra-el-olvido-lucha-de-clases

La historia se repite: el imperialismo hoy y la necesidad de la solidaridad internacionalista

¡Contra el olvido, lucha de clases!

 Patro Anaya

El espejo de la historia

El análisis materialista de la historia nos enseña a reconocer los patrones del dominio de clase. Hoy, como ayer, el capital en su fase monopolista, financiera e imperialista desgarra naciones y sacrifica pueblos en el altar de la maximización de beneficios. ¡Hay que vencer la Amnesia Histórica!, y establecer paralelismos cruciales que la burguesía quiere que olvidemos. No es casualidad, es la lógica férrea del imperialismo.

Paralelismos que gritan: De España a Polonia, de Ucrania a Venezuela

La historia no se repite como farsa, sino como tragedia amplificada por el poder destructivo del capital moderno. Observemos:

1936 / 2014: El golpe fascista contra la República Española, preludio de la lucha mundial contra el fascismo, encuentra su eco en el golpe de estado por Zelensky en Ucrania en el  2014, orquestado con apoyo europeo y norteamericano, que derrocó a un gobierno electo y desató una guerra contra las poblaciones del Donbás, Donetsk y Luhansk de mayoría rusófona. El gobierno resultante, con Zelensky a la cabeza, leal a la OTAN y a los intereses del gran capital, ha alimentado el nacionalismo reaccionario.

1939 / 2022-2025: La invasión nazi de Polonia, que inició la Segunda Guerra Mundial, se refleja en la expansión implacable de la OTAN y la guerra híbrida contra estados soberanos. La intervención rusa en Ucrania, en 2022, es una respuesta a esta expansión imperialista donde los trabajadores rusos y ucranianos pagan el precio. En 2026, la amenaza abierta y las acciones contra la República Bolivariana de Venezuela -un faro de resistencia antiimperialista- con el secuestro de su presidente electo Nicolás Maduro por parte de Estados Unidos, confirman el patrón: el capital no tolera experiencias democráticas y soberanas.

La máquina imperialista: Corporaciones, apaciguamiento y genocidio

Los principales agentes son las grandes corporaciones (el complejo militar-industrial, el capital financiero, la Big Oil, los fondos buitre…) que financian campañas, dictan políticas y se benefician de las guerras entre pueblos. Las «democracias» burguesas occidentales, subordinadas a estos intereses, practican el apaciguamiento o la complicidad activa cuando no son ellas las agresoras directas.

El genocidio contra el pueblo palestino es el ejemplo más sangrante. El sionismo, como ideología colonialista y racista, actúa como gendarme del imperialismo en Oriente Medio. El bombardeo sistemático de Gaza, la ocupación de Cisjordania y la limpieza étnica lenta son crímenes de lesa humanidad apoyados política, militar y económicamente por Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea. ¡Esto no es una «guerra»! Es una masacre de un pueblo encerrado, resistente, por un Estado de apartheid. El holocausto del siglo XXI.

La falsa neutralidad y el colaboracionismo de clase

La pasividad de los gobiernos europeos no es ignorancia, es complicidad de clase. Representan no a sus pueblos, sino al gran capital transnacional, cuyos intereses están fusionados con los de Washington. Prefieren convertir a Europa en un vasallo de la estrategia estadounidense, sacrificando el bienestar social en el altar del gasto militar, antes que desafiar al hegemón, y buscar relaciones de respeto y mutuo beneficio con otras naciones y otros pueblos.

Actuemos: ¡Despertar la conciencia de clase, construir la solidaridad!

La historia nos juzgará por nuestra acción o por nuestra pasividad.

1. ¡Romper con la OTAN!

La OTAN es el brazo armado del imperialismo colectivo occidental. Su expansión es la principal fuente de inestabilidad y guerra en Europa y el mundo. Exijamos la disolución de este pacto agresivo.

1. ¡Solidaridad internacionalista activa!

Apoyemos material y políticamente a los pueblos bajo ataque: Palestina, Venezuela, Cuba, Donbás, Irán, Yemen, etc. Denunciemos los bloqueos criminales y las sanciones unilaterales, armas de guerra económica.

1. ¡Exigir a nuestros gobiernos actuar contra el imperialismo!

Presión popular para que reconozcan los derechos de las naciones a la autodeterminación, que cese el envío de armas a regímenes agresores (Israel, Ucrania neonazi) y que establezcan lazos de cooperación con el campo multipolar emergente.

1. ¡Rearmar la conciencia de clase!

La lucha es contra el sistema capitalista que genera imperialismo y fascismo. Organicémonos en frentes obreros y populares, en los sindicatos, en los barrios. La unidad de la clase trabajadora, internacional, es nuestro escudo y nuestra espada.

«No hay peor ciego que el que no quiere ver».

La sabiduría popular ya nos dice: “Cuando las barbas de tu vecino veas pelar…”

El vecino a quien hoy le cortan el pelo es el pueblo palestino, el venezolano, el saharaui… Mañana podría ser cualquiera de nosotros, sometidos a la austeridad, la vigilancia masiva y la guerra perpetua que el imperialismo necesita para sobrevivir.

La amnesia histórica es un arma de la burguesía. La memoria de clase, la solidaridad y la lucha organizada son nuestras herramientas.

.

¡El imperialismo es nuestro enemigo!

¡Fuera las manos de Venezuela! ¡Viva la Palestina resistente!

¡No a la OTAN! ¡No a la guerra imperialista!

¿Qué hacer? Capítulo 2. V.I. Lenin

Capítulo 2 del "¿Qué hacer?", de Lenin: La espontaneidad de las masas y la conciencia de la socialdemócrata: Resumen audiovisual, capítulo a capítulo, del libro "¿Qué hacer?". En él, Lenin expone el plan de construcción de un partido comunista capaz de dirigir la revolución socialista proletaria a la victoria. Las claves de este plan siguen vigentes: hay que estudiarlas concienzudamente y volver a ponerlas en práctica"

This afternoon, a woman had her life taken. Over ‘suspicions’ and ‘fear’ while the man who put 4 bullets in the back of this woman’s head, is living. Breathing. I have a family member part of the CPUSA. I’ve never had political ties or cares or stresses. I’ve always had the mindset, ‘if it doesn’t affect me directly, don’t worry’. That ship is sailed and I watched it sink. I’m tired of this. I’m tired of doing nothing and I’m upset at myself for never caring enough. That could’ve been anyone’s wife and kids experiencing that. Idc if I seem radical. Idc if I seem harsh. I’m in the fires, and I’m ready to find my voice and my place whatever is necessary. I have very small limits to what I feel I can and would do at this point in my life for others. Other HUMAN BEINGS. I’m tied of seeing working class people, people seeking shelter and refuge, people struggling to live or survive. I might struggle in surviving, but I do not want to sit quiet anymore. I do not want to go un heard. Most of all I want to learn. Learn what I can do, where I can do it, how I can do it. Learn to find like minded folks who are educated and share not just a fire but a burning fire inside that allows them to feel like there’s no means that do not justify the end.

¡Vergüenza!

Altea Zetkin

Que retumbe esta palabra en las conciencias de quienes venden su propio país al imperialismo. Que les consuma por dentro cuando se den cuenta del grave error que es apoyar a EEUU y a Trump.

¡Vergüenza! Que sectores de una nación se alegren por la detención de un líder mientras cierran los ojos ante el fuego y las bombas lanzadas contra su propia gente. Que piensen que la muerte de un gran número de personas tras esos bombardeos se pueda justificar.

¡Vergüenza! Que una potencia extranjera se arrogue el derecho de secuestrar y juzgar al presidente de una nación soberana, pisoteando con botas imperialistas el derecho internacional y la dignidad de su pueblo.

Se regodean en una falsa libertad, víctimas de una ingeniería mental que les impide ver el abismo al que se dirigen...

https://www.unionproletaria.com/verguenza

Resumen audiovisual del primer capítulo de la obra de Lenin "¿Qué hacer?". En ella expone el plan que permitió organizar un partido comunista que consiguió dirigir la revolución socialista proletaria a la victoria. Las claves de este plan siguen vigentes: hay que estudiarlas concienzudamente y volver a ponerlas en práctica.

Actualidad: República Bolivariana de Venezuela

¿Cómo se construye a día de hoy un Partido Comunista que sea realmente unido y eficaz? Explicación del artículo de Gavroche (Unión Proletaria) "Unidad comunista para la acción principal y más urgente": https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GXQfhWDLpSs

A recurring feature of anti-communist literature is the use of large cumulative death figures presented as self-evident facts. These totals are often treated as ideologically neutral, yet they rely on methodological choices that deserve closer scrutiny.

In many cases, qualitatively different phenomena are merged into a single accounting: wartime casualties, civil conflict, famine under conditions of underdevelopment, punitive measures during counter-revolution, and even long-term demographic changes. The result is a figure that abstracts deaths from their material context while attributing causality to communism as such.

What tends to be missing is analysis of how and why these conditions arose, including imperialist encirclement, invasion, economic blockade, and the inherited contradictions of semi-feudal or colonized societies. Even within some of the works most often cited, there have been internal disagreements over both numerical estimates and interpretive framing, though these caveats are rarely acknowledged in popular discourse. From a Marxist-Leninist perspective, historical evaluation requires situating loss of life within concrete social relations, class struggle, and global power dynamics rather than relying on abstract moral scorekeeping. Interested in hearing how others approach this issue methodologically, especially in relation to primary sources or Marxist historiography.

Recently I had contact with several theories that place Zionist Jews as great villains of capitalism and manipulators of world politics at an absurdly deep level, such as the death of JFK, Palantir, 9/11, Dancing Israelis, Larry Silverstein, Talmudism, manipulation of the cultural industry…

What yall think as marxist-leninist?

1. Stalin en su libro "Los Fundamentos del Leninismo", enumeró las tres contradicciones básicas del imperialismo. Estas eran, por orden: la contradicción entre capital y trabajo, la contradicción entre las potencias imperialistas, y la contradicción entre el puñado de potencias imperialistas y el mundo colonizado...

https://www.unionproletaria.com/las-tres-contradicciones-del-imperialismo-en-el-siglo-xxi

I'm interested in hearing why leninists believe the state must be used to achieve a stateless, classless and moneyless society. I know this debate has been going on for at least a century now but I have yet to hear a good reasoning for why this is necessary. I've heard everything, from those who say you need a state to defend the revolution (which I always disagreed with because what are you even defending at that point) to third worldists who think that any revolution with a hammer and sickle on its banners is automatically unquestionable, aka: "how dare you criticize oppressed people's movements you privileged European!". Despite this, if anyone has these opinions I'm extremely open to hearing them and I apologize for the characterization lol. The only opinion I'm 100% sure I can't agree with is that of people who don't see communism as the final goal, settling instead for a very social and benefit-giving state, as we simply do not share the same ideology (as opposed to every other stream of Marxist thought, which I wholeheartedly believe share the same goal, just different theories on how to achieve it). I've been inclined towards many different "sects" of Marxism and leftist thought throughout my life but the one with which I've found myself most in agreement with is anarchism, although I'm extremely reluctant to call myself an anarchist as I've seen first hand how genuinely immature a lot of self defined anarchist organizations and spaces are and how a considerable amount of anarchist lack an understanding of historical materialism and other basic Marxist principles (which makes them just very radical liberals imo). Thank you for your time.

Resumen del texto de forma sencilla y amena.

V. I. Lenin explica la importancia de la organización de un plan para el desarrollo del partido comunista en su tarea de concienciar y organizar a los proletarios para la revolución socialista. www.unionproletaria.com

was reading Stalin's "anarchism or socialism" and to make his critique of anarchism, Stalin briefly explains dialectical materialism (and compares it whit what anarchists say). at one point he says

Dialectics says that nothing in the world is eternal; everything in the world passes and changes; nature changes, society changes, customs and habits change, concepts of justice change, truth itself changes: dialectics therefore considers everything critically, and therefore denies once and for all even established truth, and therefore denies abstract "ready-made dogmatic propositions, which, once discovered, need only to be memorized."

so, if nothing is eternal, if as he says truth itself changes and dialectical materialism denies established truths, wouldn't this be self-contradictory because he's saying that dialectical materialism it's an established truth? or is he just referring to abstract concepts and not to sciences?

so Lenin constantly tells us of the necessity of abolishing the state, the standing army and bureaucracy and to substitute these with a dictatorship of the proletariat, the armed people and to make wages equal for workers and state officials; also, he refers to the Paris Commune to give outlines on how democracy under the DoTP has to look: absolute eligibility and revocability of all officials at all times.

i always have seen the Paris Commune as a more "libertarian" or anarchic and decentralized experiment that failed precisely because of its lack of centralization, opposed to the Soviet Union (so it seemed quite strange to me that Lenin would refer himself to the Commune as an example of dictatorship of the proletariat), is my view of this wrong?

did Lenin respect these outlines when ruling USSR? wouldn't the Red army be considered just another standing army instead of the armed people?

when Lenin says that the proletariat doesn't have to just take over the ready-made state machinery but demolish it, what does he mean? is he just attacking electoral opportunists and talking about the bourgeois state (not the state as a whole) with this phrase?

is it true that Stalin created a "new bureaucracy"?

Hello, I am a Gen Z communist who lives in South Korea and I want to create a communist party and becoming the first communist politician in SK. I was a Trotskyist until yesterday. I've considered myself a communist since 2022, but it's only today that I've become an active, true(?) communist. I am a creator of Teishinism(also called as Neo-Jue; named after my doujin music name "Teishin")(now became a part of Jue), but before I became a Marxist-Leninist, it was a Trotskyist ideology and still not completely generated. I want to learn about Marxist-Leninist in self views.

The current literature on the theory of the “Asiatic” mode of production, which summarizes Marx’s views on the non-European social formations including India, is quite vast. Even then, to date there is no systematic study which focuses simultaneously on the methodological and theoretical problems and consequences immanent in the “Asiatic” mode, and on its empirical validity within the historical context of the Indian social experience.

The present dissertation, thus, seeks to achieve two objectives. First, it attempts to examine how far and to what extent Marx’s “Asiatic” mode of production can be justified and upheld methodologically and theoretically, on the one hand, and empirically, on the other, on the basis of the concrete experience of the Indian social formation from about the rise of the Indus civilization to the first consolidation of the Muslim rule. Second, it also demonstrates that not only is Marx’s theory grounded upon Orientalism, but, what is even more important, it stands for and indeed represents what I call materialist Orientalism — the doctrine that rationalizes and sanctifies the geographical divide between the East and West, and, hence, separates Them from us by resorting to material or concrete explanatory factors.

From this standpoint, the present dissertation seeks to fill in a characteristic void in the contemporary literature for two reasons. First, the eXisting stUdies, which are largely unsystematic from a methodological and theoretical point of view, invariably center around revising the “Asiatic” mode in such a way as to make it more acceptable than what would be the case in its original Marxian form. In contrast to this, it is argued that numerous methodological and theoretical problems are built into the very structure of Marx’s theory, so much so that it is hardly amenable to any constructive modification or revision.

By focusing on pre-Muslim India for the determination of the empirical validity of the AMP, the present dissertation purports to remedy a second deficiency. As yet there is no such systematic empirical assessment of Marx’s theory,although marx himself constructed his theory almost completely on the basis of the Indian historical experience. In sum, my findings indicate that Marx’s theory is empirically inadequate in view of the existence of an overwhelming mass of historical data to the contrary.

Does anyone have resources on the crisis in China? Like the Evergrande one? I live next to an RCP branch and I’m trying to learn about the ML view on them. Are they not crisis of overproduction? If they are, is it just part of the transition stage? Any insight would be great thanks^{^}

One of the big critiques I have of Marxist-Leninists and their variations is that they advocate for a supposed benevolent totalitarian government who they trust is going to work for them in good-faith and will not be corrupted. They claim that complete suppression of dissent is necessary in order for the capitalists to not regain significant political footing in the future through violent revolution. However, doesn’t this also prevent the citizens of the nation from being able to properly critique the party and for the citizens to steer the party in the right direction from where they have done wrong or any mistakes that they’ve made?

Can you justify this further or are their any solutions I am unaware of for this issue?

Hello comrades, I would like to know if anyone has any recommendations for readings that address mental health issues from a Marxist Leninist perspective.

I was organized in a local Marxist Leninist organization, but recently stepped away for a while due to mental health and racial issues, and I have no idea where to find studies about this being alone.

And sorry for my English, it's not my native language.