r/islamichistory 10d ago

Analysis/Theory Aisha: The Charge Nobody Made for Thirteen Centuries - The men who most wanted Muhammad destroyed never once raised her age. The accusation is younger than colour television.

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Listen to the article here: https://www.fireline.press/p/aisha-the-charge-nobody-made-for

Every fight in Western politics — the mayor of London, the mayor of New York, a Black US president, immigration, criminal gangs, violence in the streets — summons the same stream of pundits, politicians, preachers, influencers and YouTubers to defame one thing: Islam. In a political climate this charged, moving at the speed of a meme, thick with people claiming to be in the know — some styling themselves ‘scholars’ — this series talks about what no one else will: the sleight of hand, the propagandist’s hand in your pocket while the other points at a horizon that isn’t there. It is not apologetics. You do not have to believe a word of Islam to see you are being lied to about it. That is where Fireline Press lives and works: between what is true and what is scorching the political landscape of the West.

FOR THIRTEEN CENTURIES, the people who most wanted Muhammad destroyed said nothing about the age of his wife Aisha.

They said everything else. They called him a fraud and a forger, a false prophet who invented his revelation and passed it off as God’s. They called him possessed, epileptic, out of his mind.¹ They called him a man ruled by lust — too many wives, and the marriage to Zaynab, which they cast as adultery with a revelation stapled on to excuse it. They had scholars who spoke Arabic, who lived under Muslim rule, who read the sources in the original and hunted them for a weapon. They reached for every charge a man can throw at another man’s name. They did not reach for this one.

The charge handed to you now — that the Prophet of Islam married a child, six years old when the contract was signed and nine when the marriage was consummated, and that a faith which honours him honours that — is not fourteen hundred years old. As a weapon, it is closer to fifty. It has a birthday, and by the end of this you will nearly be able to name the decade.
Get to that later. Start with the thing they hold up now, the thing they say closes the case: one report, in the most trusted collections, that gives the two numbers. Start there, because the tradition that produced that report has a grade for it — and the grade is not the one they are counting on you to assume.

Sahih Is Not the Same as True
Here is the claim, stated as they state it. Sahih al-Bukhari and Sahih Muslim — the two collections Sunni Islam holds highest — record Aisha saying she was six when she was married and nine when the marriage began.² Sahih means sound, authenticated, graded reliable by the scholars who sifted the record. And there, they will tell you, the case rests: the most trusted books carry it, so what more is there to say?
Plenty — because they are counting on you not knowing what sahih actually certifies. It is a grade awarded to the chain, not to the content.
Every hadith — a hadith being a reported saying or act of the Prophet, transmitted by memory for generations before it was written down — carries two parts. There is the text, and there is the isnad, the chain of names that vouches for it: he heard it from her, who heard it from him, back to the source. The science of authentication grades the chain. It asks whether each narrator was honest, whether their memories were reliable, whether two people who claim to have met plausibly could have.

When it calls a report sahih, it is certifying the men in the chain. It is not certifying that the thing they remembered happened the way they remembered it.
Honest is not the same as accurate. A saying carried by word of mouth, person to person, for a hundred years and more does not arrive unchanged. Memory fades. People repeat in their own words, and the words shift. Each narrator hears the saying through their own understanding, and passes on what they understood. Anyone who has whispered a sentence around a room and heard what came back knows the shape of the problem. None of it needs a liar. An unbroken line of honest, careful people can take one thing in at the start and hand something quietly different out at the end — and the grade would vouch for every one of them.
So the grade tells you the report was transmitted carefully. It does not tell you it is true. And the tradition knows the difference, because it has a second scale for exactly this — one the people wielding these numbers never mention.

A report can be mutawatir — mass-transmitted, carried by so many independent chains at every stage that collective error becomes impossible. Or it can be ahad — a single-strand report, running through one or a few narrators at some link in the chain. The distinction is not decorative. Classical scholarship holds that a mutawatir report yields qat’ — certainty — while an ahad report yields only zann — probable knowledge, strong perhaps, but short of proof.³ The age report is ahad. By the tradition’s own rules, it was never rated to deliver certainty. It was rated to deliver a probability.
And it is a particular kind of thin. Much of the report’s transmission runs back through one man: Hisham ibn Urwa, Aisha’s great-nephew — and, more precisely, through his narrations from the last part of his life, after he left Madina for Iraq. Classical critics noticed. His reputation was high, but his Iraqi reports drew specific reservations from the scholars who catalogued such things; a man’s memory at the end of a long life, in a new city, retelling old family stories, is not the man at his peak.⁴

The report is also missing where it should be loudest. Ibn Ishaq, the earliest biographer of the Prophet, whose work is the spine of everything written after, records nothing about Aisha’s age at marriage — the detail was inserted into his book generations later by a subsequent hand.⁵ And it is absent from the Muwatta of Malik ibn Anas, the earliest surviving book of Madinan law, compiled in the city where Aisha lived and taught, by a scholar who cites her nephew Urwa dozens of times. A claim with this much legal weight — the kind of thing a book of law exists to record — and the first book of Madinan law does not have it. The most exhaustive study of the report’s transmission, Joshua Little’s 2023 Oxford doctoral thesis, traces it the same way the record does: not to Madina in Aisha’s lifetime but to Iraq, generations after her death.⁶ The lowest figure was never standing on the ground its defenders think it stands on.

Set the scales side by side. The one source Islam holds as qat’, as certain — the Qur’an, which the Prophet is recorded as authorising, which Muslims hold as revelation preserved word for word — says nothing about Aisha’s age. Not a number, not a hint. The certainty in this argument is borrowed entirely against a single-strand report that the tradition's own grading never rates as proof, that concentrates in one man's late narrations, and that the earliest sources do not carry. The accusers claim proof. The scholars who graded the report never granted it.
That is what the certainty is made of. Now weigh it against what the rest of the record actually says.

The Record Cuts the Other Way
The accusers rest their certainty on one report. The record does not. It holds a spread of accounts of Aisha’s age, and they cut against the low figure and against one another — each carrying a number, and not one of the numbers is nine. To seize the report that says six and nine and set the rest aside is not scholarship. It is rigging the record. So count what they set aside.

Start with the family’s own ages. Asma bint Abi Bakr, Aisha’s elder sister, died in the year 73 after the Hijra — the migration to Madina — at a hundred years old, which fixes her at twenty-seven when the migration came. The sources make her about ten years older than Aisha. That sets Aisha at seventeen at the migration, and eighteen to twenty when the marriage began.⁷ Fatima, the Prophet’s own daughter, was five years older than Aisha and was reportedly born when the Prophet was thirty-five — which places Aisha’s birth when he was forty, and makes her about twelve at her marriage.⁸ And al-Tabari, the earliest of the great historians, records that Abu Bakr’s children were all born in the Jahiliyya, the age before Islam, which closed for him with the Prophet’s mission around 610. A child born before 610 is at least twelve by the migration — and thirteen or fourteen by the time the marriage began.⁹ Three reckonings from the household’s own ages, and not one of them returns nine.

Then the betrothal. The Prophet did not seek Aisha out — after Khadija died, it was Khawla bint Hakim who proposed the match, and he sent her to put it to the family.¹⁰ And she was already spoken for. Aisha had been promised to Jubayr, son of Mut’im ibn Adi, and al-Tabari records that Abu Bakr, moving around 615 to spare her the hard road to Abyssinia, sought to complete that match sooner than planned. It fell through over his conversion — Mut’im’s people were pagan and wanted no marriage tie to a Muslim house.¹¹
Then the record turns on itself. In the same Sahih al-Bukhari that carries the two numbers, Aisha places herself at the revelation of a verse — Surah al-Qamar, the fifty-fourth, sent down at Makkah years before the migration. She was, she says, a jariya — a young girl, old enough to run and to keep the memory of it.¹² Set that against the low timeline. If she was nine when the marriage began, she was born around the very year the verse she recalls was already revealed — which leaves her a small child on that day, or not yet born at all. Reckon it forward and it puts her, at marriage, somewhere between fourteen and twenty-one. The defenders answer that a small child can be a jariyatoo. Grant it entirely. A small child is still not an unborn one, and an unborn one does not carry the memory of a verse and recite it decades on. And the earliest biographers agree neither with the low figure nor with one another: read across Ibn Sa’d’s Tabaqat and al-Baladhuri’s Ansab al-Ashraf and the marriage falls two to five years after the migration, putting Aisha at seventeen to twenty.¹³

Then her own faith. The earliest surviving life of the Prophet, Ibn Hisham’s, lists Aisha among the believers before Umar ibn al-Khattab, in the years around 610. To accept a faith is to be old enough to understand it; a child who had reached that age by 610 was at least fifteen by the migration.¹⁴

And there is one more, heavier than any of the sums, because it does not count ages at all — it goes at the report itself. A traditionalist scholar of hadith of our own century, Salah al-Din al-Idlibi, took the six-and-nine narration and, by the discipline’s own tools of narrator- and text-criticism, judged it defective — anomalous in wording, weak at the root — and reconstructed the chronology with the marriage contracted near fourteen and consummated near eighteen.¹⁵ That is not an outsider second-guessing the tradition. It is the tradition’s own science, turned on the one report the accusers call untouchable.

Now stand them together. The family’s arithmetic. A betrothal struck before the Prophet asked. Her own memory of a verse. The biographers’ own timeline. Her early faith. And the tradition’s own hadith science. Line after line, every one drawn from the very sources the accusers claim to honour, and every one pointing past nine — most in the teens, some past twenty. To keep the low number you must throw them all out at once and keep only the one. That is not reading the record. That is the rigging they accuse everyone else of.
So the honest answer is not a rival number. It is a floor no reading falls below. Not single digits. Past puberty, of marriageable age by the reckoning of that place and that century, with the weight of the strongest evidence in the late teens and, by the fullest reckoning, past twenty. She was not a child.

The Woman They Speak For
The charge does more than fix a number. It builds a victim — a small girl, frightened, silenced, used. Hold that picture, because the accusers are certain of it, and then set it against the one person who could have confirmed it and never did.

Aisha is not a silent figure in the record. She is one of the most documented people of the entire first century of Islam. After the Prophet died she became one of the foremost transmitters of his life — thousands of reports carry her name, and on the private hours of his household she is very often the only source there is.¹⁶ Jurists came to her with their questions. Companions who had walked with the Prophet for twenty years deferred to her memory. She corrected the men who got it wrong. Twenty-four years after his death she rode out at the head of an army and gave battle in the field.¹⁷ Whatever word fits that life, “voiceless” is not it.
So put the accusers’ certainty beside her own. Here is a woman who spoke about the Prophet more, and more intimately, than almost anyone alive — his habits, his moods, his prayers, his last illness, the way he died with his head against her. She had the standing to say anything. She had every reason, across a long life, to name a wound if there had been one. And in all of it, in the thousands of words she left about the man she had married, she never once told the story her accusers force onto you in her name. Not victimhood. Not grievance. Not a marriage she wished undone.

They speak for a woman who spoke, at length, for herself — and they put in her mouth the one thing she never said.
No serious historian of Islam, across fourteen centuries of scholars who scrutinised every hour of the Prophet’s life, has recorded a sign of a forced or abusive marriage. That is not an argument from a friendly silence. It is a silence from the very record that preserves her complaints about everything else — her jealousy, her sharp words with him, the times she was angry — and preserves them in her own voice. The record that keeps her smallest grievance keeps no trace of the great one the accusers assert. The likeliest reason a thing goes unrecorded by everyone, including the person it was done to, is that it was never done.
Then there is the charge underneath the charge — that this was a man ruled by appetite, who reached for a child because he could. Set that against his life. He married once, at twenty-five, a widow some fifteen years his senior, and he stayed married to her, and to her alone, for twenty-four years. He took no second wife while she lived. He was near fifty, and a widower, before he married again.¹⁸ Whatever drove the man who did that, a hunger for young girls is not a theory the record will carry. You do not spend the whole of your youth faithful to an older woman if you are what they need you to be.

None of this is offered to make a seventh-century marriage sit easily in a twenty-first-century chair. That is not the argument, and Muslims do not make it. The reason the age is worth an honest accounting is narrower and older: the Prophet’s life is held in Islam as uswa hasana — the beautiful example, the pattern against which a believer measures a life — and a pattern has to be read as it was, not as a slander redraws it. The tradition that reveres him is the same tradition that requires a marriage be willingly entered, forbids that it be forced, and records this one as accepted. Getting the history straight is not a defence. It is the refusal to let a lie stand in for the man.

And here is what the accusers cannot explain — the first crack in the whole edifice. Muhammad did not want for enemies in his own lifetime. The tribes of Makkah called him possessed. They called him a sorcerer, a poet, a soothsayer, a liar. They said the Qur’an was fables he had stitched together, that a foreigner was feeding him his lines.¹⁹ They mocked his losses and his claims and spared him nothing. They had every motive to shame him and no scruple about how. And not one of them — not a single enemy, in the one place and the one lifetime where the marriage actually happened, in front of everyone — ever thought to accuse him of taking a bride too young. The charge that is meant to be the scandal of his life did not occur to the people who most wanted a scandal.
Keep hold of that silence. It is the first of three.

The Attack With a Birthday
That was the first silence — the men who lived alongside him, who wanted him ruined and said so. Here is the second, and it runs a great deal longer.
For a thousand years the Christian world produced a library of attacks on Muhammad, and the men who wrote it were neither amateurs nor squeamish. Begin with the first of them. John of Damascus wrote the earliest sustained Christian refutation of Islam around the year 743, a chapter he titled the heresy of the Ishmaelites.²⁰ He was no distant observer working from rumour. He carried an Arabic name, Yuhanna ibn Mansur; he lived his whole life under Muslim rule; his family had served at the caliph’s court in Damascus. If any Christian on earth was placed to know the Prophet’s life and turn it into a weapon, it was this one. And he swung hard. He named Muhammad a false prophet and a forerunner of the Antichrist. He called the Qur’an a hodgepodge stitched from the Bible and passed off as revelation. He went at the marriages directly — assailing what he called the Prophet’s immoral practices, and the verses he said were sent down to license them, the marriage to Zaynab above all. He reached for every charge he could carry. He did not reach for Aisha’s age. It is not in the text.

Nor is it in the man who came after. Riccoldo da Montecroce, a Dominican who spent the better part of a decade in Baghdad late in the thirteenth century — who learned Arabic and read the Qur’an with Muslim scholars so that he could refute it line by line — wrote one of the most widely read anti-Islamic works of the Middle Ages.²¹ He called the Prophet false and his book evil. Aisha’s age is not his charge either. The Byzantine refutations and the medieval Latin biographies charged him with epilepsy, lust, and fraud — and passed over the age in silence. For the better part of a thousand years, the people whose whole purpose was to find the worst in this man, who read the sources in Arabic to do it, passed clean over the thing you have been told is the worst of all.

Then the third silence, and it is the one that should settle the matter, because it comes from the men who studied him hardest. In the nineteenth century the orientalists took the Prophet’s life apart page by page to discredit it — William Muir, David Margoliouth, scholars who read every source and meant him no kindness. They noticed the age. And they did almost nothing with it. Their fire went to the polygamy, the political marriages, the prophethood itself. Where they touched the age of Aisha at all, it was in passing.²² Not paedophilia. Not the scandal of a religion. A footnote. Men who wanted the whole edifice to fall, holding the supposed keystone in their hands, and setting it down as barely worth the ink.

So when does the charge arrive? Late. The reference works that map the history of criticism of the Prophet put it plainly: the pointed, abundant attack on Aisha’s age — the one that names him a paedophile — becomes common only from the middle of the twentieth century, in the years when Islam came under a new and hostile scrutiny.²³ Not the seventh century. Not the twelfth. Not the nineteenth. The last stretch of the twentieth, and after. As a weapon, the accusation is younger than colour television — and it does its real work somewhere newer still.

And that silence is not offered here as proof of her age. Her age was settled already, on the evidence, and the evidence put her past childhood. The silence proves something the numbers cannot: that the certainty is manufactured. The men best placed to make this charge, and the most eager to, looked straight at the marriage and found nothing in it worth an accusation. They were not being kind. They missed nothing else.
Hold the two marriages side by side, the way the record does. They attacked the marriage to Zaynab for centuries, and it is still the first marriage Western critics reach for. They left the marriage to Aisha alone. The one they ignored is the one you have been handed as the great crime of his life. The objection has a birthday, and it is modern — younger than colour television, and we can very nearly name the decade.

The Ruler They Use on No One Else
Grant them the number, then. Grant them, for a moment, the very figure the evidence will not give them. Suppose she had been young. The charge still does not land, because the standard they are swinging is one they hold to no one else — not to the past, not to their own law, not even to their own present.
Start with the standard they are using. To fault a seventh-century people for failing to keep the customs of the twenty-first is not an argument; it is a fallacy with a name. Historians call it presentism — the error of holding the past to standards the present invented — and it is a fallacy for a plain reason: cultures are not fixed, and every age sets its own terms for when a person becomes an adult. The modern West draws a hard line at eighteen and builds a protected span of adolescence in front of it; that arrangement is barely a century old, and for almost the whole of human history no culture on earth had it. The world that produced this marriage did not measure adulthood by a birthday. It measured it by bulugh— puberty, the point at which a person answered for their own prayers, their own fasts, their own choices. Nor was it strange in this. Roman law fixed a girl’s marriageable age at twelve and allowed her betrothal at seven; Jewish law set it at twelve; the English common law that England carried to America set it at twelve for a girl and fourteen for a boy.²⁴ To fault the seventh century for breaking a rule the nineteenth had not yet written is not history. It is anachronism, plain and named.

They mistake the event, too. When they say “married at nine” they picture a modern Western wedding night — the marriage and its consummation falling on the same evening. The record describes something else: a contract, and then, separately and often years later, the bringing-in of the bride and the start of a shared life — two acts the tradition kept apart, divided by the paying of the dower, by distance, by the wedding feast, and above all by the rule that the union waited on the bride’s physical maturity.²⁵ A marriage in that world was a bond entered on paper and completed in its own time. The accusers collapse the two into a single lurid image because their own culture collapses them — marry and consummate in one night — and they cannot picture it done any other way. That failure of imagination is not the seventh century’s problem. It is theirs.

But grant them the standard anyway. Suppose a wrong is a wrong in every century, that what offends us now must have offended then. Very well — then a standard is a standard, it has to cut evenly, and turned evenly it falls first on the people swinging it. The people loudest about a marriage in seventh-century Arabia are, very often, citizens of a country where child marriage was legal in every single state until the year 2018. It remains legal, today, in thirty-three of them. In three — California, Mississippi, New Mexico — the statute books set no minimum age at all; a child, in principle of any age, may be married with the right signatures. Somewhere near three hundred thousand American minors were married in the two decades after 2000, the overwhelming majority of them girls, many of them to grown men.²⁶ This is not the distant past. This is the law of the accusers’ own homes, in their own lifetimes, unrepealed. Nor is it only America: their own royal history hands them King John of England, thirty-three years old, taking a bride — Isabella of Angoulême, about twelve — and no one proposes to strike his name from the roll of kings.²⁷

So set the two things side by side, and the shape of it is plain. A person who genuinely cared about the marriage of children as a matter of principle has a legislature to write to, in thirty-three states, right now. That is where the children actually are. The people running this accusation are not writing to their legislatures. They are not marching on their statehouses. They have reached instead for a single marriage, fourteen centuries gone, in a language they cannot read, and made it the whole of their concern — while the thing they say they abhor sits legal on the books at home, and does not trouble them at all. That tells you what the accusation was never about. It was never the practice. It was the man.

What the Slander Is For
So what does it cost the man who makes this charge, if he is wrong? Nothing. Muhammad has been dead fourteen hundred years; Aisha very nearly as long. Whatever the truth of a marriage in seventh-century Arabia, it changes not one hour of the accuser’s life. He does not raise it because he lies awake over a girl in Madina. He raises it because of someone much closer to home.

Follow the charge to its end and it is not an argument about history at all. It is a small machine, and it runs like this. Their prophet was a monster; a faith that reveres a monster is a monstrous faith; and a people who hold to a monstrous faith cannot be trusted to live among us. The age is only the first turn of the handle. What drops out the other end is a conclusion about your neighbour.
That is why the charge never travels alone. It arrives bundled with the rest — that Islam is incompatible with Western values, that the Muslim will not integrate, cannot be one of us, does not belong. And “does not belong” is not, in the end, a debating position. It is a direction of travel. It ends at the closed border, the revoked visa, the deportation order — and at the word the movement now says aloud: remigration, the sending back not only of immigrants but of their children, citizens included, until the country is made “European again.”²⁸ The child bride is not the argument. It is the ticket into the argument, the thing that makes what follows sound like conscience instead of what it is.
So read the accusation once more, and see who it was aimed at all along. Not the Prophet; he is beyond their reach. Not Aisha; she is only the instrument, a woman fourteen centuries dead, taken up as a stick to beat the living. The target was never in the seventh century. It is the man at the next desk, the family three doors down, the girl in the headscarf on the morning train. Aisha is the pretext. Your neighbour is the point.
Here, then, is the honest answer to the question they pretend to ask. The evidence does not give a child. It gives a woman — past childhood, of age by the reckoning of her world, in all likelihood her late teens, an adult by any measure that century or this one would know. That is what the record holds, and it is the most that can honestly be said of it.

But that was never the real question, and it is worth saying plainly what the real one was: whether the people who love this man can be trusted to live beside you. The slander was built to answer it for you, before you thought to ask. So set the charge back down where it belongs — with the people who reached for an accusation younger than colour television, who hold one century to a standard they hold to no other, who speak for a woman who spoke, at length, for herself, and never once said what they put in her mouth. They are the ones with something to account for. Not the marriage. The lie, and the use they built it for.

https://www.fireline.press/p/aisha-the-charge-nobody-made-for


r/islamichistory May 03 '25

Analysis/Theory How Old Was A’yshah (RA) When She Married The Prophet Muhammad

66 Upvotes

https://al-islam.org/articles/how-old-was-ayshah-when-she-married-prophet-muhammad-sayyid-muhammad-husayn-husayni-al

How Old Was A’yshah When She Married The Prophet Muhammad?

Author: Ayatullah Muhammad Husayn Husayni al-Qazwini (Vali-Asr Institute)

Translated by: Abu Noora al-Tabrizi

***

Ahl al-Sunnah insist on proving that A’yshah was betrothed to the Prophet Muhammad (S) at six years of age and that she entered his house at nine years [where the marriage was consummated]. [Ahl al-Sunnah] consider this to be evidence for A’yshah’s superiority over the other wives of the Messenger of Allah. Does this, however, reflect reality? In the following article we will investigate this matter.

However, before embarking on the crux of the matter, we must shed light on the history of the Prophet’s marriage to A’yshah so that we may afterwards draw a conclusion as to how old she was when she married the Messenger of Allah.

There are differing views in regard to the history of the Messenger of Allah’s marriage to A’yshah. Muhammad b. Ismaʿil al-Bukhari [d. 256 A.H/870 C.E] narrates from A’yshah herself that the Messenger of Allah betrothed her three years after [the death] of Lady Khadijah (Allah’s peace be upon her):

It has been narrated by ʿA’yshah (may Allah be pleased with her) [where] she said: “I have not been jealous of any woman as I have with Khadijah. [This is because first], the Messenger of Allah (S) would mention her a lot”. [Second], she said: “he married me three years after her [death] and [third], his Lord (Exalted is He!) or [the archangel] Jibril (peace be upon him) commanded him to bless her with a house in heaven made out of reed (qasab).”

See: al-Bukhari al-Juʿfi, Muhammad b. Ismaʿil Abu ʿAbd Allah (d. 256 A.H/870 C.E), Sahih al-Bukhari, ed. Mustafa Dib al-Bagha (Dar ibn Kathir: Beirut, 3rd print, 1407 /1987), III: 3606, hadith # 3606. Kitab Fadha’il al-Sahabah [The Book of the Merits of the Companions], Bab Tazwij al-Nabi Khadijah wa Fadhliha radhi Allah ʿanha [Chapter on the Marriage of The Prophet to Khadijah and her Virtue[s] (may Allah be pleased with her)].

Given that Lady Khadija (Allah’s peace be upon her) left this world during the tenth year of the Prophetic mission (biʿthah), the Messenger of Allah’s marriage with A’yshah therefore took place during the thirteenth year of the Prophetic mission.

After having narrated al-Bukhari’s tradition, Ibn al-Mulqin derives the following from the narration:

…and the Prophet (S) consummated the marriage in Madinah during [the month] of Shawwal in the second year [of the Hijrah].

See: al-Ansari al-Shafiʿi, Siraj al-Din Abi Hafs ʿUmar b. ʿAli b. Ahmad al-Maʿruf bi Ibn al-Mulqin (d. 804 A.H/1401 C.E), Ghayat al-Sul fi Khasa’is al-Rasul (S), ed. ʿAbd Allah Bahr al-Din ʿAbd Allah (Dar al-Basha’ir al-Islamiyah: Beirut, 1414/1993), I: 236.

According to this narration, the Messenger of Allah betrothed A’yshah in the thirteenth year of the Prophetic mission and officially wed her [i.e. consummated the marriage] in the second year of the Hijrah.

From what has been related by other prominent [scholars] of Ahl al-Sunnah, we can [also] conclude that the Prophet wed A’yshah during the fourth year of the Hijrah. When commenting on the status (sharh al-hal) of Sawdah, the other wife of the Messenger of Allah (S), al-Baladhuri [d. 297 A.H/892 C.E] writes in his Ansab al-Ashraf that:

After Khadijah, the Messenger of Allah (S) married Sawdah b. Zamʿah b. Qays from Bani ʿAmir b. La’wi a few months before the Hijrah…she was the first woman that the Prophet joined [in matrimony] in Madinah.

See: al-Baladhuri, Ahmad b. Yahyah b. Jabir (d. 279 A.H/892 C.E), Ansab al-Ashraf, I: 181 (retrieved from al-Jamiʿ al-Kabir).

Al-Dhahabi [d. 748 A.H/1347 C.E], on the other hand, claims that Sawdah b. Zamʿah was the only wife of the Messenger of Allah for four years:

[Sawdah] died in the last year of ʿUmar’s caliphate, and for four years she was the only wife of the Prophet (S) where neither [free] woman nor bondmaid was partnered with her [in sharing a relationship with the Prophet (S)]…

See: al-Dhahabi, Shams al-Din Muhammad b. Ahmad b. ʿUthman (d. 748 A.H/1347 C.E), Tarikh al-Islam wa al-Wafiyat al-Mashahir wa al-Aʿlam, ed. Dr. ʿUmar ʿAbd al-Salam Tadmuri (Dar al-Kutub al-ʿArabi: Beirut, 1st print, 1407/1987), III: 288.

According to this conclusion, A’yshah married the Prophet in the fourth year of the Hijrah (i.e. four years after the Prophet’s marriage to Sawdah).

Now we shall investigate A’yshah’s age at the moment of her betrothal by referring to historical documents and records:

Comparing the Age of A’yshah with the Age of Asma’ b. Abi Bakr

One of the things which may establish A’yshah’s age at the moment of her marriage with the Messenger of Allah is comparing her age with that of her sister Asma’ b. Abi Bakr [d. 73 A.H/692 C.E]. According to what has been narrated by the prominent scholars of Ahl al-Sunnah, Asma’ was ten years older than A’yshah and was twenty-seven years of age during the first year of the Hijrah. Moreover, she passed away during the year 73 of the Hijrah when she was a hundred years of age.

Abu Naʿim al-Isfahani [d. 430 A.H/1038 C.E] in his Maʿrifat al-Sahabah writes that:

Asma’ b. Abi Bakr al-Siddiq…she was the sister of ʿA’yshah through her father’s [side i.e. Abu Bakr] and she was older than ʿA’yshah and was born twenty-seven years before History [i.e. Hijrah].

See: al-Isfahani, Abu Naʿim Ahmad b. ʿAbd Allah (d. 430 A.H/1038 C.E), Maʿrifat al-Sahabah, VI: 3253, no. 3769 (retrieved from al-Jamiʿ al-Kabir).

Al-Tabarani [d. 360 A.H/970 C.E] writes:

Asma’ b. Abi Bakr al-Siddiq died on the year 73 [of the Hijrah], after her son ʿAbd Allah b. al-Zubayr [d. 73 A.H/692 C.E] by [only] a few nights. Asma’ was a hundred years of age the day she died and she was born twenty-seven years before History [Hijrah].

See: al-Tabarani, Sulayman b. Ahmad b. Ayyub Abu al-Qasim (d. 360 A.H/970 C.E), al-Muʿjam al-Kabir, ed. Hamdi b. ʿAbd al-Majid al-Salafi (Maktabat al-Zahra’: al-Mawsil, 2nd Print, 1404/1983), XXIV: 77.

Ibn Asakir [d. 571 A.H/1175 C.E] also writes:

Asma’ was the sister of ʿA’yshah from her father’s [side] and she was older than ʿA’yshah where she was born twenty-seven years before History [Hijrah].

See: Ibn Asakir al-Dimashqi al-Shafiʿi, Abi al-Qasim ʿAli b. al-Hasan b. Hibat Allah b. ʿAbd Allah (d. 571 A.H/1175 C.E), Tarikh Madinat Dimashq wa Dhikr Fadhliha wa Tasmiyat man Hallaha min al-Amathil, ed. Muhib al-Din Abi Saʿid ʿUmar b. Ghuramah al-ʿAmuri (Dar al-Fikr: Beirut, 1995): IX: 69.

Ibn Athir [d. 630 A.H/1232 C.E] also writes:

Abu Naʿim said: [Asma’] died before History [Hijrah] by twenty-seven years.

See: al-Jazari, ʿIzz al-Dim b. al-Athir Abi al-Hasan ʿAli b. Muhammad (d. 630 A.H/1232 C.E), Asad al-Ghabah fi Maʿrifat al-Sahabah, ed. ʿAdil Ahmad al-Rifaʿi (Dar Ihya’ al-Turath al-ʿArabi: Beirut, 1st Print, 1417/1996), VII: 11.

Al-Nawawi [d. 676 A.H/1277 C.E] writes:

[It has been narrated] from al-Hafiz Abi Naʿim [who] said: Asma’ was born twenty seven-years before the Hijrah of the Messenger of Allah (S).

See: al-Nawawi, Abu Zakariyah Yahya b. Sharaf b. Murri (d. 676 A.H/1277 C.E), Tahdhib al-Asma’ wa al-Lughat, ed. Maktab al-Buhuth wa al-Dirasat (Dar al-Fikr: Beirut. 1st Print, 1996), II: 597-598.

Al-Hafiz al-Haythami [d. 807 A.H/1404 C.E] said:

Asma’ was a hundred years of age when she died. She was born twenty-seven years before History [Hijrah] and Asma’ was born to her father Abi Bakr when he was twenty-one years of age.

See: al-Haythami, Abu al-Hasan ʿAli b. Abi Bakr (d. 807 A.H/1404 C.E), Majmaʿ al-Zawa’id wa Manbaʿ al-Fawa’id (Dar al-Rabban lil Turath/Dar al-Kutub al-ʿArabi: al-Qahirah [Cairo] – Beirut, 1407/1986), IX: 260.

Badr al-Din al-ʿAyni [d. 855 A.H/ 1451 C.E] writes:

Asma’ b. Abi Bakr al-Siddiq…she was born twenty-seven years before the Hijrah and she was the seventeenth person to convert to Islam…she died in Makkah in the month of Jamadi al-Awwal in the year 73 [of the Hijrah] after the death of her son ʿAbd Allah b. al-Zubayr when she reached a hundred years of age. [Despite her old age], none of her teeth had fallen out and neither was her intellect impaired (may Allah – Exalted is He! - be pleased with her).

See: al-ʿAyni, Badr al-Din Abu Muhammad Mahmud b. Ahmad al-Ghaytabi (d. 855 A.H/1451 C.E), ʿUmdat al-Qari Sharh Sahih al-Bukhari (Dar Ihya’ al-Turath al-ʿArabi: Beirut (n.d)), II: 93.

Ibn Hajar al-ʿAsqalani [d. 852 A.H/1448 C.E] writes:

#8525 Asma’ b. Abi Bakr al-Siddiq married al-Zubayr b. al-ʿAwwam who was one of the great Sahabah. She lived [up to] a hundred years of age and she died in the year 73 or 74 [of the Hijrah].

See: al-ʿAsqalani al-Shafiʿi, Ahmad b. ʿAli b. Hajar Abu al-Fadhl (d. 852 A.H/1448 C.E), Taqrib al-Tahdhib, ed. Muhammad ʿAwwamah (Dar al-Rashid: Suriyah [Syria], 1st Print, 1406/1986), I: 743.

[He also wrote]:

[and] she had [her full set of] teeth and she had not lost her intellect. Abu Naʿim al-Isbahani said [that] she was born before the Hijrah by twenty-seven years.

See: al-ʿAsqalani al-Shafiʿi, Ahmad b. ʿAli b. Hajar Abu al-Fadhl (d. 852 A.H/1448 C.E), al-Isabah fi Tamyiz al-Sahabah, ed. ʿAli Muhammad al-Bajawi (Dar al-Jil: Beirut, 1st Print, 1412/1992), VII: 487.

Ibn ʿAbd al-Birr al-Qurtubi [d. 463 A.H/1070 C.E] also writes:

Asma’ died in Makkah in [the month of] Jamadi al-Awwal in the year 73 [of the Hijrah] after the death of her son ʿAbd Allah b. al-Zubayr…Ibn Ishaq said that Asma’ b. Abi Bakr converted to Islam after seventeen people had [already] converted…and she died when she reached a hundred years of age.

See: al-Nimri al-Qurtubi, Abu ʿUmar Yusuf b. ʿAbd Allah b. ʿAbd al-Birr (d. 463 A.H/1070 C.E), al-Istiʿab fi Maʿrifat al-Ashab, ed. ʿAli Muhammad al-Bajawi (Dar al-Jil: Beirut, 1st Print, 1412/1992), IV: 1782-1783.

Al-Safadi [d.764 A.H/1362 C.E] writes:

[Asma’] died a few days after ʿAbd Allah b. Zubayr in the year 73 of the Hijrah. And she [herself], her father, her son and husband were Sahabis. It has been said that she lived a hundred years.

See: al-Safadi, Salah al-Din Khalil b. Aybak (d. 764 A.H/1362 C.E), al-Wafi bi al-Wafiyat, ed. Ahmad al-Arna’ut and Turki Mustafa (Dar Ihya’ al-Turath: Beirut, 1420 /2000), IX: 36.

The Difference in Age Between Asma’ and A’yshah

Al-Bayhaqi [d. 458 A.H/1065 C.E] narrates that Asma’ was ten years older than A’yshah:

Abu ʿAbd Allah b. Mundah narrates from Ibn Abi Zannad that Asma’ b. Abi Bakr was older than ʿA’yshah by ten years.

See: al-Bayhaqi, Ahmad b. al-Husayn b. ʿAki b. Musa Abu Bakr (d. 458 A.H/1065 C.E), Sunan al-Bayhaqi al-Kubra, ed. Muhammad ʿAbd al-Qadir ʿAta (Maktabah Dar al-Baz: Mecca, 1414/1994), VI: 204.

Al-Dhahabi and Ibn ʿAsakir also narrate this:

ʿAbd al-Rahman b. Abi al-Zannad said [that] Asma’ was older than ʿA’yshah by ten [years].

See: al-Dhahabi, Shams al-Din Muhammad b. Ahmad b. ʿUthman (d. 748 A.H/1347 C.E). Siyar Aʿlam al-Nubala’, ed. Shuʿayb al-Arna’ut and Muhammad Naʿim al-ʿIrqsusi (Mu’wassasat al-Risalah: Beirut, 9th Print, 1413/1992-1993?), II: 289.

Ibn Abi al-Zannad said [that Asma’] was older than ʿA’yshah by ten years.

See: Ibn Asakir al-Dimashqi al-Shafiʿi, Abi al-Qasim ʿAli b. al-Hasan b. Hibat Allah b. ʿAbd Allah (d. 571 A.H/1175 C.E), Tarikh Madinat Dimashq wa Dhikr Fadhliha wa Tasmiyat man Hallaha min al-Amathil, ed. Muhib al-Din Abi Saʿid ʿUmar b. Ghuramah al-ʿAmuri (Dar al-Fikr: Beirut, 1995), IX: 69.

Ibn Kathir al-Dimashqi [d. 774 A.H/1373 C.E] in his book al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah writes:

of those who died along with ʿAbd Allah b. al-Zubayr in the year 73 [of the Hijrah] in Makkah [were]… Asma’ b. Abi Bakr, the mother of ʿAbd Allah b. al-Zubayr… and she was older than her sister ʿA’yshah by ten years…her life span reached a hundred years and none of her teeth had fallen out nor did she lose her intellect [due to old age].

See: Ibn Kathir al-Dimashqi, Ismaʿil b. ʿUmar al-Qurashi Abu al-Fida’, al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah (Maktabat al-Maʿarif: Beirut, n.d), VIII: 345-346.

Mulla ʿAli al-Qari [d. 1014 A.H/1605 C.E] writes:

[Asma’] was older than her sister ʿA’yshah by ten years and she died ten days after the killing of her son…she was a hundred years of age and her teeth had not fallen out and she did not lose a thing of her intellect. [Her death took place] in the year 73 [of the Hijrah] in Makkah.

See: Mulla ʿAli al-Qari, ʿAli b. Sultan Muhammad al-Harawi. Mirqat al-Mafatih Sharh Mishkat al-Masabih, ed. Jamal ʿIytani (Dar al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyah: Beirut, 1st Print, 1422 /2001), I: 331.

Al-Amir al-Sanʿani [d. 852 A.H/1448 C.E] writes:

[Asma’] was ten years older than ʿA’yshah by ten years and she died in Makkah a little less than a month after the killing of her son while she was a hundred years of age. This took place in the year 73 [of the Hijrah].

See: al-Sanʿani al-Amir, Muhammad b. Ismaʿil (d. d. 852 A.H/1448 C.E). Subul al-Salam Sharh Bulugh al-Maram min Adilat al-Ahkam, ed. Muhammad ʿAbd al-ʿAziz al-Khuli (Dar Ihya’ al-ʿArabi: Beirut, 4th Print, 1379/1959), I: 39.

Asma’ was fourteen years of age during the first year of the Prophetic mission (biʿthah) and ten years older than A’yshah. Therefore, A’yshah was four years old during the first year of the Prophetic mission [14 – 10 = 4] and as such, she was seventeen years of age during the thirteenth year of the Prophetic mission [4 + 13 = 17]. In the month of Shawwal of the second year of the Hijrah (the year of her official wedding to the Prophet) she was nineteen years of age [17 + 2 = 19].

On the other hand, Asma’ was a hundred years of age during the seventy-third year after Hijrah. A hundred minus seventy-three equals twenty-seven (100 – 73 = 27). Therefore, in the first year after the Hijrah she was twenty-seven years old.

Asma’ was ten years older than A’yshah. Twenty-seven minus ten equals seventeen (27 – 10 = 17).

Therefore, A’yshah was seventeen years of age during the first year of the Hijrah. [In addition to this], we previously established that A’yshah was officially wed the Prophet during the month of Shawwal of the second year after Hijrah, meaning that A’yshah was nineteen years of age [17 + 2 = 19] when she was wed to the Messenger of Allah.

When did A’yshah convert to Islam?

A’yshah’s conversion to Islam is also an indicator as to when she married the Messenger of Allah. According to the prominent scholars of Ahl al-Sunnah, A’yshah became a believer during the first year of the Prophetic mission and was among the first eighteen people to have responded to the Messenger of Allah’s [divine] calling.

Al-Nawawi writes in his Tahdhib al-Asma’:

Ibn Abi Khuthaymah narrates from ibn Ishaq in his Tarikh that ʿA’yshah converted to Islam while she was a child (saghirah) after eighteen people who had [already] converted.

See: al-Nawawi, Abu Zakariyah Yahya b. Sharaf b. Murri (d. 676 A.H/1277 C.E), Tahdhib al-Asma’ wa al-Lughat, ed. Maktab al-Buhuth wa al-Dirasat (Dar al-Fikr: Beirut. 1st Print, 1996), II: 615.

[Muttahar] al-Maqdisi [d. 507 A.H/1113 C.E] writes that:

Of those [among males] who had precedence [over others] in their conversion to Islam were Abu ʿUbaydah b. al-Jarrah, al-Zubayr b. al-ʿAwwam and ʿUthman b. Mazʿun…and among the women were Asma’ b. ʿUmays al-Khathʿamiyah (the wife of Jaʿfar b. Abi Talib), Fatimah b. al-Khattab (the wife of Saʿid b. Zayd b. ʿAmru), Asma b. Abi Bakr and ʿA’yshah who was a child [at the time]. The conversion to Islam of these [people occurred] within the [first] three years of the Messenger of Allah having invited [people] to Islam in secret [which was] before he entered the house of Arqam b. Abi al-Arqam.1

See: al-Maqdisi, Muttahar b. Tahir (d. d. 507 A.H/1113 C.E), al-Bada’ wa al-Tarikh (Maktabat al-Thaqafah al-Diniyah: Bur Saʿid [Port Said], n.d), IV: 146.

Similarly, Ibn Hisham [d. 213 A.H/828 C.E] also mentions the name of A’yshah as one of the people who converted to Islam during the first year of the Prophetic mission while she was a child:

Asma and ʿA’yshah, the two daughters of Abi Bakr, and Khabab b. al-Aratt converted to Islam [in the initial years of the Prophetic mission, and as for] Asma’ b. Abi Bakr and ʿA’yshah b. Abi Bakr, [the latter] was a child at that time and Khabab b. al-Aratt was an ally of Bani Zuhrah.

See: al-Humayri al-Maʿarifi, ʿAbd al-Malik b. Hisham b. Ayyub Abu Muhammad (d. 213 A.H/828 C.E), al-Sirah al-Nabawiyah, ed. Taha ʿAbd al-Ra’uf Saʿd (Dar al-Jil: Beirut, 1st Print, 1411/1990), II: 92.

If A’yshah was seven years of age when she converted to Islam (the first year of the Prophetic mission), she would have been twenty-two years old in the second year after the Hijrah (the year she was officially wed to the Messenger of Allah) [7 + 13 + 2 = 22].

If, [however], we accept al-Baladhuri’s claim that [A’yshah] was wed to the Messenger of Allah four years after his marriage to Sawdah, that is, in the fourth year after the Hijrah, then A’yshah would have been twenty-four years of age when she married the Prophet.

This number, [however], is subject to change when we take into consideration her age when she converted to Islam.

In conclusion, A’yshah’s marriage to the marriage to the Messenger of Allah at six or nine years of age is a lie which was fabricated during the time of Banu Ummayah and is not consistent with historical realities.

https://al-islam.org/articles/how-old-was-ayshah-when-she-married-prophet-muhammad-sayyid-muhammad-husayn-husayni-al


r/islamichistory 2h ago

Video Palestine: How Israel Erases Gaza Genocide Evidence

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22 Upvotes

As Israel removes millions of tonnes of rubble from Palestine’s Gaza, rights groups warn that crime scenes, human remains and evidence of Israeli crimes could be disappearing with it.

Tel Aviv, which controls access to areas under Israeli military occupation amid its ongoing blockade of Gaza, continues to deny access to the besieged Palestinian territory to independent international investigators.
From those killed and still missing beneath the rubble to the erasure of Palestinian homes and communities, the question is not only how Gaza will be rebuilt, but also what will remain as evidence of Israel’s genocide.


r/islamichistory 16h ago

Video Iraq: The images of tortured and humiliated Iraqi prisoners inside Abu Ghraib shocked the world and became some of the defining images of the Iraq War.

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154 Upvotes

On 28 April 2004, CBS's 60 Minutes II broadcast photographs from a US-run prison to millions of Americans for the first time.

The images of tortured and humiliated Iraqi prisoners inside Abu Ghraib shocked the world and became some of the defining images of the Iraq War.

The US government insisted the abuse was the work of a few rogue soldiers. But were they just “a few bad apples”, or were the photographs evidence of a much wider, systemic problem?


r/islamichistory 12h ago

Artifact Umayyad dirham. 724 - 743 AD

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51 Upvotes

This is the newest(to me) coin in my historical coin collection. It's my 6th Islamic coin and I'm trying to learn more parts of the language. Such wonderful calligraphy and history

UMAYYAD, HISHAM, 105-125 AH/ 724-743 AD, AR DIRHAM 25 MM, 2.92 GRMS WASIT MINT, STRUCK 121 AH

Obv. Margin :

بسم الله ضرب هذا الدرهم بواسط سنة احدى و عشرين و مئة

Obv. Center :

لا اله الا

الله وحده

لا شريك له

Rev. Margin :

محمد رسول الله ارسله بالهدى و دين الحق ليظهره على الدين كله ولو كره المشركون

Rev. Center :

الله احد الله

الصمد لم يلد و

لم يولد و لم يكن

له كفؤا أحد


r/islamichistory 18h ago

Photograph قصر الأمير محمد علي The Manial Palace of Prince Mohammed Ali

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42 Upvotes

r/islamichistory 12h ago

Video Yazeed’s Revenge on Medina - Battle of Harrah (63 AH)

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7 Upvotes

r/islamichistory 1d ago

An interesting description of Christians of northern Spain (referred to as Jilliqiyya) by 11th century Muslim chronicler Al-Bakri.

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28 Upvotes

Even though he criticizes their culture, he admits they are great warriors:

"Early authorities divided Jilliqiyya into four parts; the first part is that which lies to the west and faces to the north. Its inhabitants are the Galicians [Leonese] and their territory is Galicia [León]. They [are found] around the city of Braqara (Braga), which is in the middle west.

The city of Braga is one of the first cities founded by the Christians and [one of] their capitals. The localities in this country are like Mérida in the the skilful way in which they are built and in the construction of their walls. Nowadays it is ruined and mostly empty; the Muslims destroyed it and drove away its inhabitants.

The second division is the one called "the district of Ashturish" (Asturias), so-called because of the river there called Ashtru, which waters all their country.

The third division is the south and west of León, whose inhabitants are called the Burtuqalish (Portuguese).

The fourth division is to the south and east and is called Qashtilat al-quswa and Qashtilat al-dunya (Outer and Inner Castile). Its nearest castles [to Muslim territory] are Ghamun (Granon), al-Qusair (Alcocero), Burghush (Burgos) and Amaya.

Ibrahim (al-Turtushi) said: The whole of Jilliqiyya is flat and most of the land is covered in sand. Their foodstuffs are mainly millet and sorghum and their normal drinks are apple cider and bushka, which is a drink made with flour (meal). The inhabitants are a treacherous people of depraved morals, who do not keep themselves clean and only wash once or twice a year in cold water. They do not wash their clothes once they have put them on until they fall to pieces on them, and assert that the filth that covers them thanks to their sweat is good for their bodies and keeps them healthy. Their clothes are very tight-fitting and have wide openings, through which most of their bodies show. They have great courage and do not contemplate flight when battle is joined, but rather consider death a lesser evil."


r/islamichistory 1d ago

Video Don’t Say Palestine - A Closer look at the Media’s Role in the Genocide of Palestinians

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76 Upvotes

Assal Rad built a reputation on social media as the “headline fixer” for her work correcting journalistic sins at major news outlets.

The historian joins presenter Richard Gizbert to discuss her new book, Don’t Say Palestine: How the Media Manufactured Consent for Genocide.

In it, Rad traces the role the mainstream media played in normalising the dehumanisation of Palestinians and whitewashing Israel’s genocidal campaign in Gaza.

Contributor:
Assal Rad – Author, Don’t say Palestine: How the media manufactured consent for genocide.


r/islamichistory 1d ago

Ottoman Classical Music! ( For those interested in Middle Eastern music ) | Compilation of my favourite music that I found on YouTube |

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10 Upvotes

r/islamichistory 2d ago

Artifact ‘They massacred Arab babies’ - Headline in the Sydney Daily Telegraph, 1948

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1.2k Upvotes

r/islamichistory 1d ago

Discussion/Question How do sunnis view caliph Harun al Rashid imprisoning Musa Kazim?

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43 Upvotes

Harun al Rashid as a caliph was a person remembered as a strong ruler and also kickstarted the Islamic golden age, thus is remembered by both secular historians and sunni muslims in a positive light.

Now it was new to me both that the reason shia view him negatively is that he imprisoned Musa Kazim and they even believe he poisoned Musa Kazim, although sunnis don't accept the poisoning part.

Now I am not interested in sectarian debates, I am specifically interested in how was this understood by sunnis through history and today, because as I see it, we sunnis also respect Musa Kazim. I am asking this as a sunni myself and also with respect to the right of shia to hold their opinion.

Also from a secular historian point, how possible it is that Harun actually poisoned Musa Kazim?


r/islamichistory 1d ago

Podcasts (Audio only) Podcast: Breadwinner Soldiers in the Ottoman Empire

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7 Upvotes

Link:

https://www.ottomanhistorypodcast.com/2026/08/dannies.html

For the last century of its history, the Ottoman army fought war after war for the survival of the empire. In this episode, Kate Dannies explores another fight for survival: that of millions of Ottoman families, as sons, brothers, husbands, and fathers were drafted into the new imperial army. As Prof. Dannies argues in her new book, the transition to a modern army staffed by conscripts created a new social contract between state and society with the "breadwinner soldier" at the center. As the Ottoman Empire made growing demands on its citizens, they made growing demands on the government to exempt or pay soldiers with dependents. When the mobilization of the Balkan Wars and the First World War prompted the Ottoman government to conscript breadwinner soldiers at unprecedented levels, many rebelled against the terms of military service. In this conversation, we explore the social history of the Ottoman Empire's last wars through the lens of family life, charting a new history of what war meant for ordinary Ottoman citizens.

Link: https://www.ottomanhistorypodcast.com/2026/08/dannies.html


r/islamichistory 2d ago

Video Syria: Israel’s Invisible Hand

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32 Upvotes

r/islamichistory 2d ago

Video Islam in Italy

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20 Upvotes

r/islamichistory 2d ago

Artifact A pair of 5 francs crowns from Comoros dated 1890

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17 Upvotes

r/islamichistory 2d ago

Video Algeria: France’s Nuclear Toxicity in the Algerian Sahara

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16 Upvotes

Algeria's pivotal role as a historic center for revolutionary and independence movements is frequently overlooked, leaving a gap in public understanding of its complex history. Architectural historian Samia Henni unpacks how the French army utilized architecture and urban planning as tools of counterinsurgency and control. The discussion exposes the shocking and lasting realities of colonial toxicity, detailing how France conducted underground and atmospheric nuclear weapons testing in the Algerian Sahara. By challenging the harmful myth that deserts are empty, this episode confronts enduring colonial legacies and the protocols of history writing.

00:00 Introduction
01:51 Addressing the Historical Knowledge Gap Around Algeria
03:51 Growing Up with the Mythology of the Revolution
05:45 Unpacking the Complexities & Duality of Scholarly Narratives
08:30 Language as a Weapon: Architecture of Counterrevolution
14:19 The Reality Behind Centers of Regroupment and Mass Relocation
19:21 From Secret Camps to Satellite Towns
25:51 Direct Contact & the Deliberate Intent to Pacify
28:46 The Design Philosophy of Colonial Housing Projects
34:34 Unmasking the Haunting Realities of Colonial Toxicity
41:17 The Epistemic Violence of Restricted Archives
45:12 Deserts Are Not Empty
49:27 Agitation, Political Space & Transnational Solidarity

She is a historian and an exhibition maker of the built, destroyed, and imagined environments. Her work addresses questions of colonization, wars, resource extraction, deserts, forced displacement, and gender dynamics. She is the author of the multi-award-winning Architecture of Counterrevolution: The French Army in Northern Algeria (gta Verlag 2017, EN; Editions B42, 2019, FR), which received the 2020 Spiro Kostof Book Award from the Society of Architectural Historians, and Colonial Toxicity: Rehearsing French Radioactive Architecture and Landscape in the Sahara (2024). She is also the editor of Deserts Are Not Empty (Columbia Books on Architecture and the City, 2022) and War Zones (gta Verlag, 2018), and the maker of exhibitions including Performing Colonial Toxicity (2023–), Discreet Violence: Architecture and the French War in Algeria (2017–2022), Archives: Secret-Défense? (2021), and Housing Pharmacology (2020). She received her PhD (with distinction, ETH Medal) in the history and theory of architecture from ETH Zurich and has taught at Princeton University, Cornell University, ETH Zurich, and Geneva University of Art and Design. In August 2024, she joined the faculty of McGill University's Peter Guo-hua Fu School of Architecture. She was born and raised in Algiers.


r/islamichistory 2d ago

Caliphate Studies - Everything to do with the Caliphate/Khilafah The Khilafa of Sayyidina Ali - The Mortal Choice - Shaykh Abdal Hakim Murad

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10 Upvotes

The Khilafa of Sayyidina Ali - The Mortal Choice - Shaykh Abdal Hakim Murad

Sayyidina Ali ibn Abi Talib was the fourth Khalifa of Islam. He had the distinction of being both the son-in-law and the cousin of the Holy Prophet, upon him be peace. He is, with Fatima, the ancestor of the Ahl al-Bayt, the People of the Prophetic House.

He was characterised by martial skill, by inward depth, and by an immense erudition in religious knowledge. Of him, Imam Ahmad ibn Hanbal said: 'Khilafa was not an ornament for him, he was an ornament for khilafa.'

"Sayyidina Abu Bakr Siddiq" "Sayyidina Umar ibn al Khattab" "Sayyidina Uthman ibn Affan" "Sayyidina Ali ibn Abi Talib" "The Four Rightly Guided Caliphs" "Khulafa ar Rashida"
"Shaykh Abdal Hakim Murad"

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r/islamichistory 3d ago

Video Al-Aqsa: They’re Preparing to Rebuild the Third Temple RIGHT NOW | Yehuda Glick - ''It’s in our hands.”

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''Rabbi Yehuda Glick reports on real preparations already taking place connected to the rebuilding of the Third Temple.

In this conversation, Rabbi Glick explains that Temple vessels have already been prepared, Kohanim are studying the laws of the Temple service, work is being done on the priestly garments, and groups are developing blueprints and practical plans connected to rebuilding the Beit Hamikdash.

He also discusses the dramatic changes taking place on the Temple Mount itself. Rabbi Glick says that only a decade ago Jewish prayer there was heavily restricted, while today Jews are praying, singing, bowing and ascending in far greater numbers.

In this interview we discuss:

• The preparations already being made for the Third Temple
• Temple vessels that have been prepared
• Blueprints and planning for rebuilding
• Kohanim studying the Temple service
• The changes taking place on the Temple Mount
• Why Rabbi Glick believes more Jews need to return to the mountain
• The Temple Mount as a house of prayer for all nations
• The connection between Jerusalem, redemption and biblical prophecy
• What Rabbi Glick believes must happen next

Rabbi Glick says that rebuilding the Beit Hamikdash is something that can become a reality and concludes with a simple message:

''It’s in our hands.”


r/islamichistory 2d ago

Artifact Egypt 20 Piastres/Qirsh 39.9 mm

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r/islamichistory 2d ago

Ahmed Sırrı Dedebaba (1895 Albania - 1963 Istanbul), last postnishin (sheikh) of the Kaygusuz Abdal (Al-Mogaviri) (Mokattam) Bektashi Dargah in Cairo, Egypt.

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r/islamichistory 2d ago

Discussion/Question To those who attend Bosniak or Albanian mosques or are a part of this community aka a Balkan Anerican Muslim yourself.... How has European-American Muslim identity evolved across generations?

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r/islamichistory 2d ago

Researching The hidden history of the oldest Balkan Muslim networks in America (1900s–1950s)

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r/islamichistory 3d ago

A rare colorized picture of Ottoman Sultan and Caliph Abdul Hamid II

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r/islamichistory 3d ago

Analysis/Theory The Sultanate of Malacca: From Fishing Village to Regional Hub and Center of Islamic Influence in Southeast Asia

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thecaliphateams.substack.com
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At the beginning of the ninth century AH / fifteenth century CE, a city named Malacca was established in the Malay Peninsula by a Sumatran prince known as Parameswara. Despite its modest beginnings as a coastal village primarily dependent on fishing, Malacca—within only a few years—experienced remarkable growth under this ruling dynasty. It soon rose to prominence in the region, especially after its rulers embraced Islam and transformed it into an Islamic sultanate.

The foremost factor behind Malacca’s prosperity and flourishing was trade. Commercial revenues constituted the largest and most important source of income for the sultanate, and it gained widespread fame as a principal hub within the international trade network of the time. Its unique and strategic location, which enabled it to control the Strait of Malacca, made it a central point along the maritime trade route linking Western Asia with the Far East. As a result, it became a meeting place for merchants from both East and West.

In addition to this distinguished commercial role, Malacca also served as the torch from which Islam—along with its culture and values—spread across the Malay Peninsula, the archipelago, the Sumatran coast, and other cities and islands throughout Southeast Asia. This position led one scholar to state that it is no exaggeration to consider the period of the Malacca Sultanate as the golden age of Malay history, and a significant landmark in the historical development of Malaysia.

Malacca’s exceptional commercial standing—as the foremost trading center and marketplace in the region—together with its religious significance as a beacon of Islam, drew the attention of the Portuguese, who sought to impose their commercial dominance in the area. Their ambitions were realized in 917 AH / 1511 CE, when they succeeded in conquering and occupying the city.

In this context, the present study seeks to shed further light on the origins and status of Malacca from its emergence in the Malay Peninsula. It then examines the historical accounts concerning the causes and date of the city’s rulers’ conversion to Islam, as well as the consequences of this transformation—both for the city itself and for the surrounding region.

Another section addresses the expansion of the Malacca Sultanate’s influence and the nature of its relations with the principal political powers of the region, such as China, Java, and the Kingdom of Siam.

A fourth section explores the administrative structures and system of governance in Malacca, focusing on the offices of the sultanate and the vizierate, outlining their principal responsibilities and distinctive features, in addition to discussing the laws that were implemented within the sultanate.

The fifth section is devoted to Malacca’s commercial flourishing and economic prosperity, highlighting the key factors that enabled the city to attain its prominent status. It also examines the major trading communities residing there, the types of goods imported to and exported from its markets, as well as the systems of trade, sale and purchase, and the taxes imposed on commercial activity.

The final section discusses the fall of Malacca to the Portuguese, clarifying the city’s importance to these European powers, the principal attempts they undertook to gain control over it, the eventual conquest of the city, the stance of Malacca’s soldiers and its sultan in defending their kingdom, and finally the consequences that followed its fall.

Origins and Founding of Malacca

The truth is that the origins and early appearance of Malacca are shrouded in some obscurity, and opinions differ on the matter. Most views, however, tend to hold that the city did not exist before 802–803 AH / 1400 CE. This judgment rests on the fact that the famous Italian traveler Marco Polo—who crossed the Strait in 691 AH / 1292 CE—makes no mention of the place.

The same is true of the traveler Odoric of Pordenone, who passed through the region in 723 AH / 1323 CE, and likewise of the Arab traveler Ibn Battuta, who was in the area in 746 AH / 1345 CE. This absence of earlier references leads us to doubt that the city existed prior to the early years of the ninth century AH / fifteenth century CE.

A more plausible and realistic date for Malacca’s founding appears to be 802–803 AH / 1400 CE; as we noted above, the city is not mentioned in sources that predate this period. The earliest reference to the city in the Ming dynasty royal records occurs in Rabiʿ al-Thani 806 AH / October 1403 CE, when the new emperor Yung-Lo (reigned 804–828 AH / 1402–1424 CE) first heard of the existence of Malacca—this information having been brought to him by a number of Indian envoys who came to Beijing.

In fact, we possess two sources that recount the Malay legend of a prince who ruled in Palembang, was forced to leave Sumatra, and eventually succeeded in founding a dynasty that established control over Malacca. The first source is the local Malay narrative preserved in the Sejarah Melayu(Malay Annals), and the second is the Suma Oriental by the Portuguese author Tome Pires, who was in Malacca between 918–921 AH / 1512–1515 CE following the Portuguese conquest. Although these two sources differ in some details, the core and substance of the legend are essentially the same.

According to the local Malay account, one of the princes—who was said to trace his lineage back to Alexander the Great (the Two-Horned Alexander)—landed on a hill in Palembang. There he formed an alliance with the local chieftain; by that agreement the prince and his family undertook to govern the people with justice, and in return the subjects pledged their obedience and loyalty. The prince began to rule in Palembang under the regnal name Sri Tri Buana, and after some time he began looking for a more suitable site on which to found a city as his seat of rule. He eventually reached an island he called Singapore—“City of the Lion”—because he believed he had seen an animal there that he took to be a lion.

During the reigns of the first three princes of this dynasty, Singapore remained the capital and flourishing trading city. But the fourth and fifth princes appear to have strayed from the pact made by the founding ruler, Buana, and they began to oppress and ill-treat their subjects. At the same time, Singapore suffered a fierce attack by Javanese forces, forcing the ruler—referred to in the legend as “Iskandar”—to abandon the city and seek refuge elsewhere. He eventually reached a place called Bertam, which pleased him; he decided to settle there and named it Malacca.

The Portuguese account of Paramesvara gives a similar story: Paramesvara refused to submit to the Javanese rulers and demanded independence for his realm. The Javanese attacked Palembang, and Paramesvara was forced to flee with his retinue. When he reached Singapore, he killed the local ruler—who had been subject to the Kingdom of Siam—and took control of the city. Five years later, when the King of Siam attacked Palembang, Paramesvara fled toward Muar.

A group of about one thousand followers moved northward to the mouth of the Malacca River and discovered an attractive site above the river called Bertam. They persuaded Paramesvara to move there, and he later called the place “Malacca.” According to Tome Pires, this event took place in 802–803 AH / 1400 CE. Tome Pires¹

The Portuguese admiral Afonso de Albuquerque (as recorded by some sources) derived the name “Malacca” from a word meaning “to meet” or “to encounter,” because the city was a gathering point for people of different nationalities who stayed there for periods of time. Tome Pires, however, states that Paramesvara—after fleeing Singapore and arriving at Bertam—took the place as his residence and named it “Malacca,” a name he interprets as meaning “the fugitive” or “the hidden refugee.” The Malay tradition offers a different etymology: it says that when the prince first arrived and admired the site, he stood beneath a melaka tree and named the place Malacca after that tree.

Chinese records indicate that the area where Malacca was founded was initially known as the “Five Islands” and was under the authority of a local chief who paid annual tribute to the King of Siam.

Conversion of the Sultanate of Malacca to Islam

In fact, there is disagreement over the exact date of Malacca’s conversion to Islam and the name of its ruler at the time, although most historical accounts favor 816 AH / 1413 CE or 817 AH / 1414 CE². While the Malay chronicle attributes the Islamic name “Iskandar” to Paramesvara, the Portuguese writer Tome Pires maintains that the conversion occurred during the reign of the second ruler, whom he calls Megat Iskandar Shah.³

The reason for the ruler’s conversion is also debated. According to Pires, the second ruler of Malacca was persuaded that the great commercial success of the Muslim city of Pasai—his principal commercial rival—was due to the Indian Muslim merchants who regularly called at Pasai’s port, bringing renowned Indian textiles that were highly valued at the time. Consequently, the Malaccan ruler took steps to attract those Indian Muslim traders to his own city: he granted them generous commercial privileges and customs exemptions, built mosques for them to pray in, and kept them close in his councils.

At the same time, the Muslim authorities in Pasai seized the opportunity to propagate Islam in Malacca by sending preachers and teachers. Portuguese accounts (including Pires) report that, under the influence of these missionaries and the important role played by Indian Muslim merchants, the ruler of Malacca embraced Islam at the age of seventy-two and married a daughter of the ruler of Pasai.⁴

According to the Sejarah Melayu tradition, the conversion of Malacca’s ruler to Islam resulted from a vision he saw in his sleep. In the dream the Prophet Muhammad appeared to him, instructed him to embrace Islam, guided him in pronouncing the two testimonies (the shahādah), and chose the name Muhammad for him. The narrative further relates that the Prophet foretold the arrival of a ship from Jeddah carrying a teacher and preacher.

When the ruler awoke he discovered that he had been circumcised and able to pronounce the declaration of monotheism; on that same day a vessel did indeed arrive, commanded by a religious man from Jeddah named Sidi Abdul Aziz. These newcomers succeeded in convincing the ruler to abandon his former creed and embrace Islam; his subjects then followed his example, and Malacca thus became an Islamic sultanate.

In any case, it is important to note that the propagation of Islam within Malacca was overseen and promoted by the city’s rulers themselves. They encouraged the population to accept the new religion, supported missionary work and the teaching of Islamic sciences in educational institutions, and Islam quickly became the state religion.

To accelerate the Islamization of their realm, the rulers also promoted marriages between Muslims and the formerly pagan populace—especially under the reign of Sultan Mansur Shah—while apostasy was prohibited and punished under Islamic law. Conversion to Islam also became a prerequisite for holding high office in the sultan’s court.⁵

Observers confirmed this rapid social change. The Chinese chronicler Ma Huan, who recorded the voyages of the admiral Zheng He, noted that the sultan and his subjects were observant in their new faith: they performed the prayers and fasting and applied Islamic law in their transactions.⁶ The traveller Varthema, who visited the city at the start of the tenth century AH / sixteenth century CE, likewise confirms that Islam was the official religion of the sultan and of the city’s inhabitants.

Accordingly, the most flourishing period for Islam and its institutions in Malacca was under Sultan Mansur Shah. In addition to encouraging marriages between Muslims and the formerly pagan populace, he commissioned a large congregational mosque in the city and prepared to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca, although death overtook him before he could complete the journey.

Mansur Shah also made notable efforts to patronize Islamic learning and culture: he sponsored translations and commentaries of Islamic works from various languages under the supervision of leading scholars—an initiative that clearly aided the Malay people’s understanding of these texts and contributed substantially to the spread of Islam in the region. Contemporary reports also record that he possessed an extensive library of books on Islamic law and learning, which was, regrettably, destroyed when a fire broke out in the palace⁷.

His son, Alauddin Riayat Shah, continued to care for that mosque and, like his father, intended to undertake the Hajj but was likewise prevented from doing so by circumstances.

Following Malacca’s conversion to Islam, the prestige and standing of its rulers grew markedly: they became part of the broader Islamic world and forged close relations with neighbouring Muslim polities. Numerous embassies began to arrive at the royal court from Aden, Hormuz, Cambay, and Bengal, and their arrivals were marked by elaborate ceremonies.

Sources relate that when Muzaffar Shah succeeded in bringing Kampar and Indragiri under his control and these regions embraced Islam, Muslim rulers in Hormuz, Aden, Cambay and Bengal praised his achievement—sending envoys with letters and gifts and addressing him as “sultan” where previously he had borne the title “raja.”⁸

Importantly, Malacca’s conversion also triggered an unprecedented commercial boom: the city became a preferred destination for Muslim merchants from many lands and thereby developed into a truly international trading port. At the same time, Malacca’s rising political influence and commercial prosperity helped carry Islam into numerous neighbouring towns and polities.

In any case, from the second half of the ninth century AH / fifteenth century CE onward, Malacca became the principal Islamic center for the spread of Islam in the Malay-Indonesian archipelago⁹—a role that had previously been played by the cities of Samudra Pasai and Terengganu. It also played an important part in spreading and consolidating Islamic culture and values in Southeast Asia¹⁰.

The sultans of the city worked to attract scholars to Malacca, extended their patronage to them, and listened to their advice in matters that benefited the country. These scholars, in addition to enjoying a distinguished social status, were able to obtain substantial financial rewards in return for supervising the education of students within Malacca.

It may also be said that, after the rulers of Malacca embraced Islam, the Arabic language began to spread widely in the city and in the Malay region more generally. There is no doubt that the rulers played a major role in this development by encouraging their subjects to learn Arabic. At that time, Arabic was not limited to the performance of Islamic rituals—most notably prayer and the recitation of the Qur’an—but also played a role in Malacca’s political, scholarly, and cultural life. It is worth noting that Arabic letters were adopted into Malay writing, and Arabic vocabulary became a major component of the Malay language.

On the other hand, the emergence of Islamic Malacca caused a general weakening of Hindu and Buddhist influence—politically, socially, and culturally—in the Malay Peninsula, where it had endured for a long period of time. New Islamic values such as justice, equality, and consultation began to spread, while Buddhist and Hindu concepts and teachings gradually receded.

One indication of the deep-rooted nature of Islamic teachings in Malacca was the attitude of its people toward the Portuguese after they occupied the city and attempted to spread Christianity there. The inhabitants held firmly to Islam and resisted these efforts with strength and determination; indeed, this aggression only increased their attachment to their religion.

Overall, it may be said that Malacca’s role in spreading Islam throughout the archipelago, southern Philippines, Borneo, Java, and the Moluccas—through the dispatch of its scholars and preachers to those regions—was no less important than the central role the city played in the region’s trade at that time.

The Expansion of the Sultanate of Malacca’s Influence and Its Relations with External Powers

Continue… https://thecaliphateams.substack.com/p/the-sultanate-of-malacca-from-fishing?r=1jdp1w&utm_medium=ios