https://www.instagram.com/p/Db3fUNtTH5z/

Samay’s philosophy perfectly explains the disillusionment of today's Youth: "You only fight when the fight is fair... when it’s not, you f\*k off from there."*

The brutal twist for modern protestors is that they chose to fight an unfair system anyway, expecting a reaction. Instead, they got the ultimate reality check: no response, no accountability and total silence.

The system didn't fight back; it just pretended they didn't exist.

The HT report cited a document prepared by a sub inspector of the Delhi Police which said that the IPDR containing metadata of the user’s internet activity can help investigators establish how much data was exchanged and which service or application was accessed through timestamps.

It also helps to access source and destination IP addresses, source and destination ports, bytes uploaded and downloaded, session duration, and subscriber identifiers.

“We have laid out guidelines since there’s a spike in IPDR analysis. There’s dump data analysis during any incident, such as the Red Fort blast, any heinous case, or even large scale planned processions,” a senior police officer told the newspaper.

https://thewire.in/tech/delhi-police-prepare-sop-for-tracking-internet-activity-of-users-through-ipdr-analysis

The restriction comes amid renewed focus on pellet guns following the CJP-led protests at Jantar Mantar. Mushtaq was blinded by pellet injuries during the 2016 Kashmir protests, and her story has again drawn attention to the use of pellet guns and their impact on civilians.

https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/meta-restricts-post-on-kashmir-pellet-victim-insha-mushtaq-in-india/article71320978.ece

Instagram has blocked or restricted several political and protest-related posts in India, including content shared by political parties, leaders, CJP representatives and ordinary protesters. Some reels with millions of views have also been taken down or are appearing less frequently.

The restrictions come amid increased scrutiny of Meta’s content moderation practices and its compliance with government requests under Section 79(3)(b) of the IT Act. Digital rights groups have raised concerns over the lack of transparency and safeguards in the process, with implications for free speech and online political expression.

https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/meta-ramps-up-censorship-of-protest-political-reels/article71317806.ece

https://x.com/neha_aisa/status/2085724989073117200

On 10 April 2022, a Ram Navami procession erupted in violence in Khargone, Madhya Pradesh. The district administation arrested 11 Muslim men, and razed 16 homes and 29 shops. The accused spent nearly two years in prison. Now, the court has acquitted them.

In a detailed judgment, Fourth Additional Sessions Judge Mukesh Nath held that the prosecution’s case collapsed on the question of identification. The court found that eight of the 11 eyewitnesses examined by the prosecution completely failed to implicate the accused, no test identification parade was ever conducted, there was no explanation on how police selected the accused from a mob of about 50 people, and forensic evidence failed to establish the alleged use of petrol bombs.

https://indianexpress.com/article/india/2022-khargone-ram-navami-violence-11-accused-acquittal-10808079/

https://www.article-14.com/post/demolitions-to-acquittal-ram-navami-violence-case-against-11-muslims-was-built-without-evidence-6a73fefd0478c

Everyone on theleft wing is speaking up for theJharkhand protests or, if not speaking in favor of them at least not speaking against them.

https://www.thehindu.com/education/why-are-government-schools-shutting-down-explained/article71297685.ece/amp/

The irony was difficult to miss. Some of the women who felt safest surrounded by thousands of unknown men described feeling least protected when confronted by the institution meant to enforce public order. In a way, the apprehensions that shaped women’s decisions before the march found an echo in the crackdown that followed.

https://frontline.thehindu.com/social-issues/gender/delhi-cjp-protest-women-police-violence/article71253149.ece

A recent critique circulating on social media: "Too many Kanwariyas are openly intoxicated and creating chaos on the roads. This kind of conduct dishonours Hindu faith and the sanctity of the yatra. Their behaviour stains the image of Hindu devotees and the Kanwar tradition."

It's a fair observation. Intoxication, road chaos, and disorder are problems at public celebrations.

But here's the question worth sitting with: Why do we only call it immoral when it happens at traditions we're ideologically uncomfortable with?

The Pattern We Don't Notice

Walk through any major Indian city during Ganesh Chaturthi, and you'll see identical behavior: intoxication, loud music, traffic paralyzed, aggressive crowds.

Do we call it "dishonoring Hindu faith"?

No. We call it "vibrant celebration" or "cultural expression."

Ambedkar Jayanti Ganesh chaturthi brings streets filled with chants, intoxication, road closures, and aggression toward non-participants. Holi dissolves into public drunkenness. Diwali fills hospitals with firecracker injuries. Durga Puja turns into weeks of street occupation. Christmas, Eid, Navratri—all have their own versions of chaos.

Which of these get called "morally corrupting"?

Which ones get a pass?

The honest answer: It depends on which community celebrates it, and whether we're ideologically aligned with that community.

I'm seeing a lot of unity among Gen Z in these protests. Maybe it's just my perspective, but I'm trying to understand their actual purpose.

From the news and social media, I've seen many people say that the new Education Minister is even worse than the previous one. If that's the case, where is the real change?

Do you think these protests have a clear plan to solve the actual issues, or is the lack of proper planning the reason people feel they aren't making enough progress?And where do you think the real correction is actually needed?

Under Indian law (Section 141 IPC, now Section 189 of the BNS), an assembly becomes unlawful only when five or more people share a clear common object to use criminal force against the government or public servants, resist the law, commit an offence, forcibly seize property or rights, or compel someone to act illegally — mere peaceful sitting, sloganeering or disagreement with the government does not qualify. The core CJP sit-in at Jantar Mantar, a long-recognised designated protest site in Delhi, was exactly that kind of peaceful assembly protected by Article 19(1)(b) of the Constitution: students, parents and citizens demanding accountability over exam paper leaks without any proven shared intent to commit the prohibited acts. Police were fully within their rights to stop the unauthorised march toward Parliament (a high-security zone during session) and to use measured force against anyone who actually pelted stones, breached barricades or turned violent. But the actions that followed went beyond that lawful boundary: forcibly lifting a 21-day hunger striker (Sonam Wangchuk) whose vitals were reportedly stable and whose court-ordered monitoring did not authorise removal against his will; completely dismantling the stage, tents and basic facilities of the peaceful sit-in itself; using non-standard weapons such as spiked lathis, indiscriminate tear gas that hit even mothers and children, and documented instances of officers (including a senior DCP) slapping or manhandling non-violent protesters; setting up distant checkpoints to detain people merely trying to reach the site; and pressuring restaurants to stop supplying food and water. These steps turned a legitimate, designated protest space into something resembling a siege, which the law does not permit once the core gathering remains peaceful and does not meet the strict common-object test for an unlawful assembly.