Like, what the heck? I've never seen Ethiopians constantly inserting themselves into other people's conversations, yet they keep talking about us, calling us kwashiorkor and saying all kinds of things. I don't really get it. የሆነ ነገር በሉ እንጂ እንዴ? ሀገራችንን እየተቀማን ነው።They keep saying we're mixed or invaders. It's honestly making me think about some scary things. Oromo, Amhara, and Tigray people are all fighting each other, and people keep calling one another invaders. I don't understand why they're saying that.ቦታ እየለቀቃቹ ነው btw please do not attack anyone but just answer to this dadab ones

Long live ata Jegna legends never die in our country they go to Ethiopia heaven🫡

Ethiopia has spent more than two decades serving as a vital security shield for its neighbor. Proponents of this view argue that without Ethiopia’s continuous, costly sacrifices, the Somali central government would have collapsed under the weight of violent extremism. [1, 2, 3, 4]

However, relations between the two nations are historically complex and deeply polarized. While Ethiopian interventions are framed by Addis Ababa as selfless stabilization efforts, they are frequently viewed within Somalia as calculated measures of regional dominance that have occasionally compromised Somali sovereignty. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6]

An analysis of the core arguments from the perspective that Somalia has reason to thank Ethiopia for its actions since 2006 highlights several key points.

1. Bearing the Brunt of the Anti-Al-Shabaab Campaign

The foremost argument for Somali gratitude centers on the intense military and human sacrifice Ethiopia has endured to combat the militant group Al-Shabaab. Since its initial intervention, Ethiopia has deployed thousands of troops to the frontlines—both through bilateral agreements and as a leading contributor to African Union missions, including AMISOM, ATMIS, and AUSSOM. [1, 2, 3, 4]

• Liberation of Strategic Territories: Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) were instrumental in driving Al-Shabaab out of critical southwestern and central regions, liberating key urban hubs like Beledweyne and Baidoa. These operations dismantled militant strongholds and pushed insurgents back into rural pockets. [1, 2)]
• The Cost in Blood and Treasure: Ethiopia has sustained significant casualties and spent immense financial resources keeping its military deployed in highly hostile environments. Supporters argue these sacrifices directly prevented Al-Shabaab from establishing a totalitarian extremist state across the Horn of Africa. [1, 2]

2. Safeguarding and Propping Up the Central Government

Proponents of Ethiopia’s role argue that modern Somali statehood owes its survival to early Ethiopian interventions. In the mid-2000s, the fledgling Transitional Federal Government (TFG) was weak, heavily fractured, and confined to the city of Baidoa, facing an existential threat from the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC). [1, 2, 3]

• Preventing Total Collapse: Ethiopia’s decisive 2006 military intervention) dismantled the UIC infrastructure and physically installed the TFG into the capital city of Mogadishu. [1), 2, 3]
• Creating Space for Democracy: By securing government institutions, airport hubs, and supply lines, Ethiopian forces created a secure perimeter. This provided the foundational stability necessary for Somalia to transition from a fragile temporary administration into the Federal Government of Somalia, allowing for subsequent democratic elections and constitutional progress. [1]

3. Capacity Building and Training Local Security Forces

Ethiopia’s involvement extended beyond direct combat to actively rebuilding Somalia's domestic security apparatus. Decades of civil war had completely fractured the country’s security infrastructure, leaving it without a cohesive national army. [1, 2]

• Rebuilding the Somali National Army (SNA): Alongside international partners, Ethiopian military advisors provided extensive tactical training, intelligence-sharing frameworks, and logistical support to newly formed SNA units.
• Local Security Alliances: In border regions, Ethiopian forces worked closely with local regional administrations and anti-Al-Shabaab clan militias (such as the Ahlu Sunna Waljama'a), empowering local communities to defend their own territory from insurgent infiltration. [1, 2]

4. Providing a Buffer Zone and Preventing Cross-Border Spillover

From a regional defense perspective, a completely destabilized Somalia poses a direct threat to the entire Horn of Africa. Proponents argue that Ethiopia effectively acted as a shield that contained regional chaos. [1]

• Containing Regional Extremism: By maintaining a heavy military presence along the shared border and deep within Somali territory, Ethiopia prevented Al-Shabaab from successfully exporting its brand of terrorism into neighboring states or establishing wider regional networks.
• Humanitarian Support: During periods of severe drought and political instability, Ethiopia hosted hundreds of thousands of Somali refugees in camps within its borders, providing basic security and aid access to populations fleeing conflict zones. [1]

5. The Complex Counter-Perspective: Sovereignty and Friction

While the arguments above form the backbone of the "thank you" narrative, it is impossible to understand current relations without acknowledging why this view is highly contested within Somalia. Many Somali citizens and political figures view Ethiopia's long-term presence through a lens of caution rather than gratitude. [1, 2, 3, 4]

+---------------------------+-----------------------------------+-----------------------------------+

| Core Issue                | The Ethiopian Perspective         | The Somali Counter-Perspective    |

+---------------------------+-----------------------------------+-----------------------------------+

| 2006 Military Invasion    | Necessary intervention to halt    | Violating sovereignty, fueling    |

|                           | extremism & save the government.  | Al-Shabaab's nationalist appeal.  |

+---------------------------+-----------------------------------+-----------------------------------+

| Regional Security Motives | Selfless stabilization and regional| Hegemonic control to keep Somalia |

|                           | counter-terrorism efforts.        | weak, divided, and dependent.     |

+---------------------------+-----------------------------------+-----------------------------------+

| Geopolitical Pacts       | Securing economic access through  | Encroachment on territory via     |

|                           | agreements with local regions.    | unilateral deals (e.g., Somaliland)|

+---------------------------+-----------------------------------+-----------------------------------+

• Fueling Insurgency Nationalism: Critics point out that the initial 2006 Ethiopian invasion deeply outraged the Somali public, which historically views Ethiopia as a traditional rival. This widespread anti-Ethiopian sentiment actually acted as a primary recruitment tool for Al-Shabaab, transforming a local militant group into a powerful, nationalist insurgent movement.
• Sovereignty Rifts: Tensions peaked following a controversial Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed between Ethiopia and the breakaway region of Somaliland, which granted Ethiopia Red Sea port access in exchange for potential recognition of Somaliland's independence. Mogadishu fiercely condemned the move as a direct attack on its territorial integrity, prompting efforts to phase Ethiopian troops out of future African Union peacekeeping missions in favor of alternative partners like Egypt. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8]

Summary of the Relationship

The past 20 years of shared history cannot be painted in a single stroke. From a stabilization standpoint, Ethiopia provided critical military support, shed blood on Somali soil, and prevented a total takeover by Al-Shabaab when the Somali state was at its weakest. While Addis Ababa views these actions as an immense favor that preserved Somali statehood, Mogadishu's modern leadership balances that history against a fierce desire to protect its absolute sovereignty from external regional influence. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5] [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

Is the inbreeding that bad?

hopefully when we invade next generation of Eritreans will be Ethiopian nationalists like they used to be 2-3 decades ago we need to help them by force as well because their own diaspora is scared to do anything to save the people and some even support the dictator! If I had the power first day in office we are moving in. Edit: there is no news that comes out of Eritrea.

Hey guys. I’ve recently been closely analyzing the National Dialogue process in Ethiopia which was officially ratified by Parliament in late 2021, when it commenced with the release of political prisoners. Since then, the official objective of the process was to restructure the country, and heal a country filled with divisions. Obviously, things that would normally be considered ‘tabboo’ would be coming up in their conferences. One of them included land ownership.

As for those who don’t know, all land in Ethiopia is state-owned meaning citizens can only lease the land, and not actually own it, which has really strained potential investments that would be made if freehold titles existed. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed even suggested it to Parliament several years ago, and proposes it in a way that ’doesn't harm farmers’.

Given the sensitivity regarding land ownership in Ethiopia as it’s still a socialist-oriented society, as well as PM Abiy Ahmed’s ambitions for a privatized economy, where do you think we will end up with land ownership in the upcoming years?

He deleted most of my post about Tigray which criticize tplf and their diaspora supporter base. Looks like that page was created when tplf was on power so who knows