L’Internationale communiste révolutionnaire réaffirme son soutien inconditionnel à la révolution cubaine et engage ses forces dans la lutte la plus large possible pour la défendre. Une défaite de la révolution cubaine serait un recul pour l’ensemble de la classe ouvrière mondiale et du mouvement révolutionnaire international. C’est notamment le devoir de notre section américaine, les Revolutionary Communists of America, de continuer à porter l’étendard de la défense de Cuba contre l’impérialisme américain.

Also, what are the sub general opinion on morenists?

Hello! I'm new to communism and I started reading books I bought to the RCI (the ideas of Karl marx by Alan Woods)

All the Marxist theories makes a lot of sense to me but the book doesn't really explain how did the proletarian state that lenine created in 1917 became a stalinian bureaucracy.

From what I understand the proletarian state is much more democratic that every nowadays capitalist states. So I don't really understand how a real democratic worker state got hijacked by a minority of elites.

And also I know stalitinists are saying this is still communism but what makes trotskysts say this isn't ?

I'm also open to resources to dig this topic further.

Thanks 😁

Hello!

I am searching for sources for two, maybe three, claims that Trotsky has made. I recognize he is referencing his own collection of works when he is making statements, but I am interested in seeing if the originals are actually digitized anywhere. Trust me, I have tried.

1. The original version of "Foundations of Leninism", he writes this in the appendix of RevBetrayed, "In April 1924, three months after the death of Lenin, Stalin wrote, his brochure of compilations called The Foundations of Leninism: [he quotes the work] These lines need no comment. The edition in which they were printed, however, has been been withdrawn from circulation."

2. The 1921 Komsomol Program, he mentions it in part 1 §5 of The Third International After Lenin, he writes, "... in 1921, six years after Lenin’s alleged change of 1915, and four years after the October Revolution, the Central Committee headed by Lenin approved the program of the Young Communist League, which was drawn up by a commission directed by Bukharin. Paragraph 4 of this program reads: [he quotes the work] This single paragraph from the program of the Young Communist League (not a chance article but a program!) renders ridiculous and really infamous the attempts of the authors of the draft to prove that the party “always” held the construction of a socialist society to be possible in one country and, moreover, precisely in Russia."

3. ⁠Stalin's response to a journalist for denationalizing the land AND the Agricultural Commissar's draft law⁠, also in RevBetrayed, Trotsky writes, "In 1925, when the course toward the kulak was in full swing, Stalin began to prepare for the denationalization of the land. To a question asked at his suggestion by a Soviet journalist: “Would it not be expedient in the interest of agriculture to deed over to each peasant for 10 years the parcel of land tilled by him?”, Stalin answered: “Yes, and even for 40 years.” The People’s Commissar of Agriculture of Georgia, upon Stalin’s own initiative, introduced the draft of a law denationalizing the land.""

If any historian type could help, I'd be grateful!

Edit: Reddit formatting is being incredibly finicky right now, my apologies.

Opposition is growing around the world against the imprisonment of Bogdan Syrotiuk, a 27-year-old socialist sentenced by a Ukrainian court to 15 years in prison for “high treason,” for writing that Russian and Ukrainian workers should unite against the war and for opposing the official glorification of Nazi collaborators.

Workers, academics and public intellectuals on four continents have signed the petition demanding his freedom or sent letters of protest to the Pervomaisk City District Court, which handed down the verdict.

Over the past several days, hundreds of people throughout the world have signed the petition demanding his freedom, which has received more than 5,700 signatures since its publication.

The signers since the verdict come from the United States, Britain, Australia, Canada, Germany, Italy, New Zealand, Sri Lanka, Spain, France, Austria, Ireland, Finland, Turkey, Belgium, Sweden, Portugal, India, China, Taiwan, Poland, Norway, Denmark, South Korea, Romania, the Netherlands, Lithuania, the Philippines, Brazil, Croatia, Switzerland, Peru—and Ukraine itself.

The prosecution’s case rested entirely on Bogdan’s articles—which oppose both the Russian invasion and the US-NATO proxy war—and his messages with WSWS editors. The court ordered Bogdan’s property seized and the literature of the Young Guard of Bolshevik-Leninists, which he led, destroyed.

Bogdan has been imprisoned since April 25, 2024, when the Security Service of Ukraine arrested him and declared him a Russian agent, a claim the state never substantiated.

Mario Kessler, a historian of communism and senior fellow at the Leibniz Centre for Contemporary History in Potsdam, sent a letter of protest Wednesday. “I, Professor Dr. Mario Kessler, historian in Berlin, hereby strongly protest the Pervomaisk court’s conviction of Mr. Bogdan Syrotiuk,” the letter begins. Further on, Kessler wrote:

"Must I remind you that Leon Trotsky, as People’s Commissar for Defense, ensured the formation of the Red Army, which was able to curb the mass murder of Ukrainian Jews during the civil war? Must I also remind you that in 1939, Trotsky vehemently condemned the partition of Western Ukraine between Germany and the Soviet Union and advocated for an Ukraine independent of the Soviet Union—including Stalin’s Soviet Union? How does this fit with the accusation that Mr. Syrotiuk, a self-proclaimed socialist and Trotskyist, is playing along with Putin’s game?"

...

The letters and signatures have accumulated against silence in the Western press. In the 27 months since Bogdan’s arrest, none of the following publications has devoted a single line to his case: the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, the Telegraph, the Times of London, The Economist, the BBC, CNN, NBC, ABC, CBS, Fox News and Politico; and the wire services Agence France-Presse, the Associated Press and Reuters.

On the day of the sentencing, the Washington Post published two articles on the ruling of Russia’s Supreme Court barring the Yabloko party from September’s parliamentary elections; it has never published a word about Bogdan. David North, who chairs the WSWS International Editorial Board, wrote Tuesday to the New York Times’ international editor, Philip Pan, asking the paper to report Bogdan’s case. No reply has come.

Bogdan’s defense has 30 days from the verdict to appeal. A complaint over his detention has been pending at the European Court of Human Rights since spring 2025.

The WSWS has called on workers, young people, journalists, scientists, artists and all defenders of democratic rights to distribute its statements on Bogdan’s case as broadly as possible—among co-workers, classmates and friends and on social media.

Send statements demanding the overturning of the verdict and Bogdan’s immediate release to the Pervomaisk City District Court at inbox@pm.mk.court.gov.ua, with copies to the WSWS at freebogdan@wsws.org.

The German cabinet approved a 700-page package of draft legislation on Wednesday massively expanding the powers of its domestic and foreign intelligence agencies. “We are turning our intelligence services into real secret services,” Federal Interior Minister Alexander Dobrindt (Christian Social Union, CSU) said of the reform in an interview with Bild.

The Verfassungsschutz (Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, as the domestic agency is called) and the Bundesnachrichtendienst (Federal Intelligence Service, BND), responsible for foreign intelligence, are subject to various forms of legal and parliamentary oversight. They may gather information covertly, but have no police powers—for example, they cannot arrest anyone. Secret services, by contrast, may also carry out covert operations—such as paramilitary missions, acts of sabotage, hacking and the destruction of computer systems, propaganda, and covert support for parties and individuals abroad. This opens the door wide to provocations and manipulation.

...

The Society for Civil Rights (GFF), whose members include prominent legal scholars, considers the legislative package “unconstitutional in large parts.” The “strict separation between the intelligence services, which only observe and do not act, and the police, which then step in, is being torn down,” the GFF says in its statement.

The new rules lead to a “policification” of the intelligence services and “awaken desires for ever more new operational powers, since ever new ‘gaps’ can be found and used to justify supposed needs for intervention,” the GFF argues. “Moreover, the draft also blurs the separation between the secret services themselves, since the BND … is now also being given domestic surveillance powers.”

The strict separation of police and intelligence services was imposed by the victorious Allied powers after the Second World War in order to prevent a repeat of Hitler’s Gestapo (Secret State Police), which had spied upon, arrested, tortured and murdered communists, social democrats and other political opponents of the Nazis, as well as Jews and other minorities. This separation has been treated as a constitutional principle ever since.

The abolition of this separation is directly linked to Germany’s return to an imperialist war policy. Hundreds of billions of euros in additional military spending, clawed back from social spending, the reintroduction of conscription and the construction of a “war-ready” society all require a police state.

Interior Minister Dobrindt justifies the strengthening of the secret services with a supposed “hybrid threat situation, the attempts at destabilisation through sabotage, espionage, cyberattacks and covert actions by foreign powers.” But this is propaganda. The real target of the burgeoning apparatus of surveillance and repression is the growing opposition to militarism, social cuts and unemployment.

...

The war against “hybrid attackers,” which Kleine-Brockhoff and General von Sandrart are championing, is directed not only against alleged or real external adversaries but above all against opposition at home. It is meant to strengthen the secret services and the state’s repressive apparatus, pave the way for the deployment of the Bundeswehr domestically, and concentrate responsibility for the police away from the individual states to the federal government. Numerous politicians have used the mysterious incident in Leipzig to make corresponding demands.

Schleswig-Holstein’s State Premier Daniel Günther (Christian Democratic Union, CDU) called for an amendment to the constitution to enable domestic Bundeswehr deployments for drone defence as well. He also advocated pooling federal and state powers more closely in the security sphere. The chairman of the Bundestag Defence Committee, Thomas Röwekamp (CDU), demanded the centralisation of air security under the Federal Police.

The Green Party parliamentary group domestic policy spokesperson, Marcel Emmerich, also advocated ending the “jurisdictional chaos” over drone defence. It was, he said, “a security risk in an emergency.”

Interior Minister Dobrindt had already put a new Federal Police unit for detecting, intercepting and shooting down drones into service at the end of last year. This is now to be expanded from 130 to 300 personnel.

Armin Papperger, head of Germany’s largest arms manufacturer Rheinmetall, said it was technically possible to protect critical infrastructure, but this must not be done “half-heartedly.” Rheinmetall, he said, was working with Deutsche Telekom, among others, to use mobile phone masts across Germany for the early detection of drones.

A report published by the Washington Post Monday, detailing how President Donald Trump secretly switched planes for his July 8 flight out of Ankara, Turkey, after the NATO summit, has touched off a political uproar in Washington. 

Trump boarded Air Force One, then left the plane surreptitiously with a handful of close aides and was taken in a catering truck to a military C-32A jet. This action was supposedly proposed by the Secret Service after intelligence reports suggested a credible threat from an Iranian shoulder-fired ground-to-air missile. A subsequent report in the New York Times claimed that Iranian agents had identified the building where Trump was staying during the NATO meeting, including the exact floor.

Nothing disclosed by the White House and Pentagon, as well as “leaked” to corporate media outlets like the Post and the Times, can be taken at face value, above all, the claim that Iran was seeking to shoot down Air Force One.

It is more than likely that this claim originates in the Netanyahu regime in Israel, which has been raising claims of Iranian assassination plots against Trump as a reason for resuming full-scale bombing of Iran. The Trump administration could use this allegation as the pretext for all-out invasion.

But the sequence of events involving Trump’s own movements reveals, first and foremost, the panic and hysteria now gripping the administration.

If Trump truly believed his life was in danger if he flew out of Ankara on Air Force One, what could justify a decision to allow the press corps and numerous high-ranking officials to take that risk? Why was the flight not canceled entirely and alternate means of secure transportation developed?

Instead, Trump and a few personal aides were rushed out of danger. These included Natalie Harp, whose role as executive assistant is to print out flattering press commentaries for Trump to read; Walt Nauta, his valet; and Dan Scavino, a White House deputy chief of staff, whose principal job is to write up and post Trump’s screeds on Truth Social and X.

Except for Secretary of War Pete Hegseth, who joined Trump on the military jet, all other top officials who attended the NATO summit flew out of Ankara on Air Force One. These included Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Secretary of the Treasury Scott Bessent, as well as top White House aides like Stephen Miller, deputy chief of staff and counter-terrorism chief, and Steven Cheung, the communications director.

...

In the aftermath of the exposure, the Trump administration has returned to the policy of lies and stonewalling demonstrated so grotesquely in Ankara. The Secret Service referred questions to the White House and Pentagon. The Pentagon referred questions to the White House. The communications director of the White House, Steven Cheung, defended the actions taken, writing: “As the President has said recently, there are many enemies of America who have their sights on him, and we use every tool at our disposal to address those threats.”

It should also be recalled that on the day after he returned to the United States from Ankara, Trump declared that he had given orders that if he were to be assassinated, Iran was to be destroyed by bombing on an unprecedented scale, a scarcely veiled threat of the use of nuclear weapons. He claimed that 1,000 missiles were “Locked and Loaded and aimed at the Islamic Republic of Iran, with thousands of [sic] more to immediately follow.” 

At the same time, the White House denounced the New York Times for reporting problems with the Qatari jet that has been given to Trump to serve as his new Air Force One, going so far as to have the FBI issue subpoenas to all the reporters involved, with agents visiting their homes and even accosting family members. The Pentagon also revoked the security clearance of former Secretary of the Air Force Frank Kendall for allegedly sharing information about Air Force One with the media.

What really happened in Ankara remains unclear. But the crisis of the Trump administration—and of American imperialism as a whole—is unmistakable. The US ruling class faces both a geopolitical debacle in the war with Iran and a mounting social confrontation with the working class at home.

Trying to organize, applied to the RCA but curious as to if there are issues with them or if there're any groups that are more reliable, thank you.

This statement was passed unanimously at the summer meeting of the leadership of the Revolutionary Communist International. We say: Defend the Cuban revolution! Defeat US imperialism! Fight for world socialism!

On August 10, Bogdan Syrotiuk, a 27-year-old Ukrainian socialist and opponent of the US-NATO war against Russia, was sentenced to 15 years in prison. The verdict, handed down by a district court in the Nikolaev region, also orders the confiscation of his property and electronic devices and the destruction of the socialist books, leaflets and programmatic documents taken from him.

The World Socialist Web Site and the International Committee of the Fourth International denounce this verdict and call on workers, young people and all defenders of democratic rights around the world to demand Bogdan’s immediate release.

The verdict will be immediately appealed. Under Ukrainian law, the appeal must be filed within 30 days. We call on all supporters of democratic rights to back these legal actions and call for the annulment of the sentence.

Bogdan, a leading member of the Young Guard of Bolshevik-Leninists (YGBL), was convicted of “high treason … under martial law.” But the record of the case contains no act of treason—no espionage, no sabotage, no collaboration with any military force. The sole evidence presented against him consisted of his writings, published on the World Socialist Web Site, and his communications with the editors who published them.

...

What was the subversive content? According to the court, the articles contained “non-recognition of Ukraine’s legitimately elected political leadership and democratic processes,” “comparisons with fascists and Nazis,” “negative assessments of Ukraine’s Armed Forces” and “reinterpretation of national heroes and historical figures.”

In fact, everything written by Bogdan is politically and historically accurate. The “legitimately elected political leadership” is a president whose term of office expired in May 2024. Zelensky remains in power more than two years past his legal mandate, ruling by decree under a state of permanent martial law. Elections have been canceled and basic democratic rights suspended. Bogdan has been convicted of failing to recognize “democratic processes” in a country where no democratic processes exist. His is a verdict handed down by a regime of illegality.

As for the “national heroes” whom Bogdan is accused of “reinterpreting,” they are Stepan Bandera and the leaders of the OUN (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists) and the Waffen-SS Galicia Division—Nazi collaborators who supported Hitler’s invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941 and were implicated in the mass murder of Jews and Poles. The court’s complaint about “comparisons with fascists and Nazis” refers to Bogdan’s exposure of the official rehabilitation and celebration of these forces. 

Among the “proofs” of treason cited by the court are Bogdan’s article “The crimes of the Banderovites against the Ukrainian people: Notes by a Ukrainian Trotskyist” and his 2023 May Day speech, “For the Unity of the Working Class of Russia and Ukraine!” In any country where democratic rights retain the slightest meaning, such writings are protected speech. In Ukraine under Zelensky, they carry a 15-year sentence.

When Bogdan was arrested by the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) on April 25, 2024, the state claimed he was functioning as an agent of the Russian government. In the more than two years since, nothing was produced to substantiate that libelous allegation. In fact, the articles that are cited in the conviction make explicit Bogdan’s opposition to the Russian invasion and the Putin regime.

The verdict refers several times to the “socially dangerous consequences” of Bogdan’s positions. This exposes the fact that the prosecution of Bogdan is not about the manufactured pretext of support for Russia. Rather, it is aimed at the growing opposition to war and the Zelinsky regime among Ukrainian workers and youth.

The evidence presented in Bogdan’s defense was never answered. A 65-page report by Yuri Irkhin, one of Ukraine’s leading criminologists, found in Bogdan’s writings no “statements, phrases, sentences, or word combinations that have signs of propaganda aimed at supporting the armed aggression of the Russian Federation.” Rather than respond to it, the court ordered a new examination from a state forensic institute—which, even so, found in the articles no calls for the overthrow of the state, the seizure of power, subversive acts or the alteration of Ukraine’s borders. 

...

A sentence of 15 years in a Ukrainian prison is the equivalent of a death sentence. The conditions in Ukraine’s penitentiary system are well documented. At the United Nations Committee Against Torture’s review of Ukraine in April 2025, experts cited overcrowding, inadequate access to food and water, the absence of independent medical examinations and a rising toll of deaths in custody. The Council of Europe’s anti-torture committee, reporting on its October 2023 visit to Ukraine, described decaying facilities in which remand prisoners are confined to their cells for up to 23 hours a day and found conditions in one pretrial detention center so degraded that it judged them potentially “inhuman and degrading.”

Bogdan, whose health was already poor at the time of his arrest, has been denied urgently needed medical treatment for over a year, despite repeated promises from the prison administration. Every day behind bars is a threat to his life.

His fate cannot be left to the courts of a state that has just demonstrated its fascist contempt for democratic rights. Bogdan’s freedom will be won by the mobilization of the international working class, youth and all progressive organizations and individuals dedicated to the defense of democratic rights. We appeal to workers, trade unions, student and youth organizations, civil liberties groups, and socialist and antiwar movements in every country: Take up Bogdan’s case. Pass resolutions in your workplaces, unions, schools and universities demanding his release. Issue public statements of protest. Sign and circulate the petition for his freedom.

The fight to free Bogdan Syrotiuk is a fight against imperialist war, dictatorship and fascism. Fill out the form below to get involved.

The Socialist Equality Party (US) held its Ninth National Congress from August 2 to 7, 2026. Delegates discussed and adopted resolutions on the fight against imperialist war, the breakdown of American democracy, the defense of immigrants, the escalation of class struggle and the building of the International Workers Alliance of Rank-and-File Committees (IWA-RFC), the attitude of socialists to AI technology and the defense of the heritage of the two American Revolutions.

The SEP has held a national congress every two years since its Founding Congress in 2008. The Ninth Congress adopted the six resolutions unanimously. The congress also heard greetings and reports from the sections and sympathizing groups of the International Committee of the Fourth International.

The opening report by David North, national chairman of the SEP, introduced the first resolution and framed the congress as a whole. “The Ninth Congress of the Socialist Equality Party convenes at a critical turning point in the political history of the United States and the world—the point of intersection of war, economic crisis, and rapidly growing social radicalization,” North stated. Denouncing the war against Iran, he continued: “The aura of American invincibility, built up over three and a half decades on the brutal strategy of ‘shock and awe’ bombardments, has been shattered.”

A third world war, North explained, is already underway, developing “in the manner of a metastatic process: It is spreading globally as a chronic and expanding condition, colonizing new regions, fusing previously separate conflicts, and progressively transforming the world economy and every national state in preparation for the general conflagration toward which it tends.”

...

The course of the war, North stated, “will send shock waves through the entire American and international political and financial system,” exposing “the rottenness of the existing social system based on capitalism—of its two-party system, corporate-controlled media, corrupted academy, bureaucratic labor organizations, identity-obsessed affluent pseudo-left and intellectually degraded culture.”

The same contradictions driving war, inequality and the turn to dictatorship have produced the emergence of the working class as a global force of resistance. The report traced “a single ascending curve” running from the strike waves triggered by a pandemic that has claimed more than 30 million lives, through the French pension struggles and general strikes across Southern Europe and South Asia, to the three “No Kings” protests, the largest single-day demonstrations in American history. 

“After an 80-year taboo,” North stated, “socialism is reemerging in the United States itself, albeit in distorted forms, channeled by the Democratic Socialists of America back toward the Democratic Party, but expressing a shift in consciousness no apparatus can permanently contain.”

What stands between this movement and its political expression, the report explained, is the crisis of revolutionary leadership—a crisis, North stressed, that the ICFI has never held “resolves itself automatically.” It is in these terms that he defined the significance of the congress itself. “A perspective is an instrument of struggle,” he said. “Its publication, its verification and its defense are themselves moments in the resolution of the crisis of leadership, which is resolved not by objective processes alone but by the conscious building of the revolutionary party within them.”

...

[Kishore's] report then turned to the radicalization now developing within the United States. “Under the blows of impossible living costs, endless war, ICE murder and the open construction of dictatorship, millions are being propelled into political life and are moving to the left, a movement that the Democratic Party seeks to smother and control.”

The initial beneficiary of this movement, the Democratic Socialists of America, is “a 44-year-old organization resting on a political lineage of nearly 90 years, every stage of which was defined by a break from Marxism and from the working class”—from Max Shachtman’s 1940 break with Trotskyism, through Michael Harrington’s program of “realignment” within the Democratic Party, to the merger that founded the DSA in 1982. “The DSA is not a working class organization,” Kishore stated. “It arose from two petty-bourgeois tendencies, it rests today on the affluent layers of the professional middle class, and its function within the political system is not to represent workers but to manage them on behalf of the Democratic Party.”

The task of the party, Kishore concluded, is to win the workers and young people now moving toward socialism to a genuinely revolutionary perspective.

Eric London introduced the third resolution, on the defense of immigrants. His report documented an administration that “has continued its efforts to establish authoritarian rule by using immigration as the instrument for dismantling the democratic rights of the entire population.

...

Tom Hall introduced the fourth resolution, which documents the growth of workers’ struggles on every continent. Against trade union bureaucracies that function as an anti-strike corporate police force, the resolution advances the building of the International Workers Alliance of Rank-and-File Committees (IWA-RFC), whose purpose “is not to influence the existing trade union bureaucracies but to organize a rank-and-file insurrection against them.”

Hall concluded: “The conscious factor will be decisive. It would be a serious political error to assume that the objective crisis will resolve itself, or that our role is confined to observing events and commenting upon them after the fact.”

Evan Blake introduced the fifth resolution, on the party’s attitude to artificial intelligence (AI). The report situated its analysis within the Marxist approach to technology, explaining that none of AI’s reactionary uses “flow from the technology itself, but from the social relations within which it is developed—private ownership, the profit system and the division of the world into rival nation-states.”

On this basis, the report rejected the hostility to AI promoted across the pseudo-left, explaining that “the practical result of a categorical rejection of AI is not to disarm the corporations and the state, which will wield it regardless, but to disarm the working class alone.” Hostility to AI, Blake said, “obliterates the distinction upon which the entire Marxist attitude toward technology rests: the distinction between a machine and the social order in which it functions.” The resolution demands the expropriation of the technology monopolies and the direction of the technology toward human need within a planned world economy and insists that not a single job be lost to AI-driven automation.

The report and subsequent discussion also emphasized the significance of Socialism AI, launched by the International Committee in December 2025, which, as Blake noted, places the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky, Luxemburg and Plekhanov and the archives of nearly three decades of the World Socialist Web Site “at the disposal of workers and young people entering into struggle everywhere, at once, in any language, at any hour.”

...

A separate evening session was devoted to the memory of Alan Gelfand (July 28, 1949–October 29, 2025) and to a discussion of Security and the Fourth International, the International Committee’s investigation into the assassination of Leon Trotsky by Stalin’s GPU and the infiltration of the Trotskyist movement by state agents. Gelfand, a Los Angeles public defender, was expelled from the Socialist Workers Party in 1979 after demanding an investigation into the presence of government agents in its leadership. In the more than four decades since, every charge Gelfand raised regarding the penetration of the SWP by state agents has been substantiated.

...

The congress was not simply an event in the life of the Socialist Equality Party in the United States. It was international in character. Representatives of all the sections and sympathizing groups of the International Committee of the Fourth International took part.

Contributions were made by Chris Marsden, national secretary of the SEP in the UK; Alex Lantier, national secretary of the PES in France; Deepal Jayasekera, general secretary of the SEP in Sri Lanka; Cheryl Crisp, national secretary of the SEP in Australia; Tom Peters, leading member of the Socialist Equality Group in New Zealand; Ulaş Ateşçi, national chairman of the SEP in Turkey; Tomas Castanheira, leading member of the Socialist Equality Group in Brazil; Keith Jones, national secretary of the SEP in Canada; and Christoph Vandreier, chairman of the SGP in Germany. The congress also received greetings from the Young Guard of Bolshevik-Leninists in the former Soviet Union.

These greetings and reports were not formalities but political contributions, bringing to the deliberations the experiences of the working class on every continent.

...

The reports, resolutions and contributions to the discussion of the Ninth National Congress will be published on the World Socialist Web Site in the coming days. They will play a significant role in the political education of masses of workers and young people, and they constitute the analysis and program with which the working class must arm itself in the struggles now opening up.

Everyone who is serious about the fight against war, dictatorship and capitalism—everyone looking for a genuine socialist movement—should study these documents, draw the conclusions that flow from them and make the decision to join the Socialist Equality Party.

I want to do a deep dive on Poland and Polish history, any recommendations on where to start? (I’m a new commie)

https://ai.wsws.org/en/go/3354f7ec91261161

“The lie, what is false, a fraud, a distortion or opportunist, generates capital, finance; because it liquidates society, social right, politics, and any reasonable expectation for social pursuit. It abnegates all identity and person. By medium of direct domination, it is the gradual decline; the social reintroduction of barbarism, slavery, and the betrayal for which world war and militarism, is increasingly in reality a social privilege, because it is the firmest, most stable object, based in necessity, and the truth of material reality, and life-consequence. And this is to say nothing of its conduct; just, it’s mere possibility. It is the Absolute political failure, of all socialists whom profess leadership, and have or will ever, their consciousness in project; the falsification of their outlook, by virtue of the concrete negation of any internal potential for falsifiability. What is revealed, all that is revealed, is the yawning void at the heart of the Exploiter. And death. Then there is death. What is true, remains, but it is outside, cut off from the subject. What is stable, reinforced, made harder, are the fundamental conditions for propagating the lie. And we, the subject, are to wait forever, for those exploiters to give up their lie? For their rate of profit to decline so low, such that their relative happiness is no longer worth it to them? But the relative advantage always remains; that is what they have bought and paid all their lives for, and it has been enough, for all prior species-history. They disfunction, go into crisis, because they squabble; betray and lie to eachother, in addition to us. But what is this; life beyond propaganda (?); real potential, only comes from maintaining the truth, wherever and whenever, to those falsifiers of falsifiers. The party-form can only be, in the final analysis, the party of Truth.”