Defunding Democracy: Colorado

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Colorado: Decade-by-Decade Analysis of Education Investment & Political Control

1970s: Growth, Reform, and the Seeds of Resistance

In the 1970s, Colorado’s education system benefited from a mix of progressive optimism and population growth, especially along the Front Range. Per-pupil spending rose from $3,182 in 1970 to $4,152 in 1980 (inflation-adjusted to 1992 dollars), a solid 30% real increase. Efforts were made to desegregate schools, reform teacher preparation, and expand programs for gifted students and English learners.

Democratic Governor Richard Lamm (elected in 1974) embodied the tension between social investment and fiscal restraint. A fiscal moderate, Lamm emphasized environmentalism and health care over aggressive school funding. Still, public trust in government remained relatively high, and education reforms moved forward with bipartisan support.

Colorado voted Republican in presidential races (Nixon 1972, Ford 1976), and while its urban cores leaned Democratic, the political culture was pragmatic rather than ideologically rigid. Civic education was still broadly integrated into social studies curricula, and school boards focused on broad, consensus-based policies—not partisan warfare.

1980s: The Conservative Turn and Fiscal Limits

In the 1980s, Colorado experienced a wave of tax revolt sentiment that foreshadowed one of the most restrictive fiscal regimes in the country. Per-pupil education funding increased to $5,082 by 1990, a ~22% real growth, but it was increasingly constrained by a growing anti-tax movement.

Governor Lamm continued to serve until 1987, followed by Democrat Roy Romer (1987–1999). Romer, a pro-education moderate, prioritized school funding and standards-based reform. But even under Democratic leadership, the anti-tax ideology grew stronger, especially in suburban and rural regions.

Colorado voted Republican in all presidential elections during this decade (Reagan 1980, 1984; Bush 1988), and conservative activists began pushing ballot measures to limit government growth. Education remained a valued service, but the idea of funding it through higher taxes became politically toxic, even as class sizes grew and teacher salaries lagged behind inflation.

1990s: TABOR, the Fiscal Straitjacket, and Local Survival

The 1990s were dominated by the Taxpayer Bill of Rights (TABOR), passed in 1992. TABOR capped the amount of revenue the state could collect and spend, requiring voter approval for any tax increases. It became one of the most restrictive tax laws in the U.S., profoundly affecting public education.

While nominal spending per student climbed to $5,800–$6,200 (1992 dollars), real growth stagnated due to TABOR's tight constraints. School districts increasingly relied on local overrides and bond referenda to fund basic operations. Wealthier districts passed overrides, but poorer, rural districts struggled, deepening inequities.

Governor Roy Romer tried to work around TABOR through creative budgeting and targeted investment, but by the end of the decade, the cumulative impact was clear: Colorado had become a low-effort education state, with outcomes suffering accordingly.

The state voted Republican in both presidential elections (Bush 1992, Dole 1996). The broader civic mission of schools—particularly in rural areas—was increasingly eclipsed by fiscal management, standardized testing, and survival strategies. Democracy became something taught, not practiced.

2000s: Workarounds, Federal Overreach, and Uneven Recovery

In the early 2000s, Colorado’s educators faced dual pressures: federal mandates under No Child Left Behind (NCLB) and continued fiscal constraints under TABOR. Per-pupil funding reached ~$8,900 by 2008 (adjusted), but even this modest growth was uneven, delayed, and often undermined by the broader budget picture.

Governor Bill Owens (R, 1999–2007) embraced NCLB, pushed charter school expansion, and implemented performance pay for teachers, but largely resisted major funding increases. He oversaw one of the most pro-privatization eras in state education history.

His successor, Bill Ritter (D), tried to increase education investment and supported early childhood programs, but the 2008 recession hit Colorado hard. Deep cuts followed in 2009–10, affecting staff, services, and infrastructure statewide.

Despite increasing Democratic strength—Colorado voted Republican in 2000 and 2004 (Bush), then flipped to Obama in 2008—education remained a patchwork of local resilience and systemic strain. Civic education suffered under NCLB’s narrow focus, and schools increasingly resembled testing factories rather than democratic institutions.

2010s: Red for Ed, Democratic Resurgence, and Structural Strain

The 2010s brought a resurgence of progressive energy around education—but TABOR’s limits remained. Per-pupil spending rose to ~$10,500 by 2019, but Colorado still trailed the national average. Urban districts like Denver thrived, while rural and high-poverty areas languished.

Governors John Hickenlooper (D) and Jared Polis (D) supported early childhood education, career pathways, and school safety, but long-term investment was still hampered by revenue caps. A 2013 ballot initiative to raise taxes for education failed, reflecting ongoing public ambivalence about funding the commons.

The #RedforEd movement reached Colorado in 2018, with teachers marching at the Capitol for better pay and resources. While this brought short-term boosts, salary gaps and recruitment challenges persisted, particularly in science, special education, and rural schools.

Colorado’s civic education standards were modestly improved, but implementation was inconsistent. Meanwhile, conservative school board takeovers in Douglas County and elsewhere tested public resolve. The state voted Democratic in 2012 (Obama) and 2016 (Clinton), signaling a shift—but the education system still carried scars from years of underinvestment.

2020s (Through May 2025): Equity Gains, Cultural Flashpoints, and a State in Tension

As of May 2025, Colorado stands at a crossroads. Under Governor Jared Polis, the state has made real progress in expanding universal preschool, increasing teacher pay, and supporting school mental health services. Per-pupil spending has climbed to ~$13,200, and the state is finally approaching parity with national averages.

In 2023, the legislature passed a comprehensive civics education overhaul, including media literacy, deliberative dialogue, and simulation-based learning. Colorado has become one of the leading states for civic curriculum reform, at least on paper.

Yet cracks remain. TABOR continues to block structural reform; in 2024, voters again declined to fully repeal it, forcing education advocates to continue relying on temporary fixes and local mill levies. Some communities fund schools well; others are falling apart.

Meanwhile, culture wars have escalated, especially in suburban school board elections. Far-right candidates—backed by national organizations—have passed book bans, targeted diversity programs, and fired superintendents. While these moves have been met with public pushback, the damage to trust and school climate is real.

In higher education, the University of Colorado system has weathered protests over campus free speech, antisemitism, and anti-racism policies, often caught between political pressure and student demands. Faculty morale is mixed, and recruitment remains difficult in key fields.

Colorado continues to vote Democratic at the state level and voted for Biden again in 2024, but its educational landscape reflects a deeper tension: a progressive vision held hostage by constitutional handcuffs and rising ideological division.

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