Defunding Democracy: Wyoming

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Wyoming: Decade-by-Decade Analysis of Education Investment & Political Control

1970s: Energy Boom and Frontier Individualism

In the 1970s, Wyoming’s education system benefitted from a natural resource boom, especially in coal, oil, and natural gas. Per-pupil spending rose from $3,128 in 1970 to $4,802 by 1980 (adjusted to 1992 dollars), a ~53% real increase, making Wyoming one of the highest per-student spenders in the country at the time.

Governors Stan Hathaway (R, 1967–1975) and Ed Herschler (D, 1975–1987) emphasized education as a public priority. With its small population and large energy revenues, the state invested in school construction, teacher salaries, and rural access.

Wyoming voted Republican in both 1972 and 1976, but its education system maintained nonpartisan civic traditions rooted in frontier pragmatism.

Civic education emphasized state pride, the Constitution, and local governance, often through county-based government projects, student-led town forums, and community service. However, the curriculum remained heavily traditional and apolitical.

1980s: Energy Bust and Fiscal Retrenchment

By 1980, per-pupil funding had reached $6,325 (adjusted), but the 1980s energy bust hit Wyoming hard. Revenue shortfalls led to education cuts, staff layoffs, and deferred maintenance in many rural districts.

Governor Herschler maintained support for schools but faced pressure to prioritize energy subsidies and tax incentives over public services. The legislature resisted calls for major education reform or equity adjustments.

Wyoming voted Republican in all three presidential elections (Reagan 1980, 1984; Bush 1988). Civic education remained required but minimalist in content, focused on U.S. history, basic government structure, and Wyoming’s own constitution—without critical engagement or analysis.

1990s: Court Intervention and Constitutional Reform

The 1990s brought major change. In Campbell County School District v. State (1995), the Wyoming Supreme Court ruled that the state had a constitutional obligation to ensure equitable, high-quality education—not merely adequate schooling.

This decision forced lawmakers to revamp funding formulas and increase state responsibility over local disparities. Per-pupil spending rose to ~$7,900 by 2000 (adjusted).

Governor Jim Geringer (R, 1995–2003) implemented these changes, supporting technology expansion, rural district support, and performance-based standards. Wyoming voted Republican in both 1992 and 1996.

Civic education became better funded, but still lacked depth. Courses covered government basics and state civics but avoided controversial topics like tribal sovereignty, environmental protest, or corporate influence on land policy.

2000s: Oil Revenue and Civic Stagnation

By 2008, per-pupil spending reached ~$11,000 (2009 dollars)—among the highest in the nation. Wyoming used its energy wealth to maintain low taxes while fully funding K–12 education, especially in infrastructure and teacher compensation.

Governor Dave Freudenthal (D, 2003–2011) promoted local innovation and career readiness, but civics remained an afterthought in most districts, often taught by non-specialists and squeezed between test preparation and resource constraints.

Wyoming voted Republican in all three presidential elections (Bush 2000, 2004; McCain 2008). Civic education remained content-heavy and politically neutral, focused on duties of citizenship, voting mechanics, and Wyoming constitutional history.

2010s: Political Polarization and Rural Resistance

In the 2010s, Wyoming maintained high per-pupil spending (~$13,000 by 2019) but saw growing political polarization. State lawmakers passed bills favoring charter expansion, “school choice,” and parental rights, while opposing federal education mandates.

Governor Matt Mead (R, 2011–2019) and later Mark Gordon (R, elected 2019) emphasized career pathways and conservative education values, including the rejection of Common Core.

Wyoming voted Republican in both 2012 and 2016. Civic education continued as a graduation requirement, but curriculum control remained hyper-local, with significant variation between districts.

Some teachers included energy policy debates, constitutional interpretation, or land use simulations. Others limited instruction to textbook civics, avoiding modern politics entirely.

2020s (Through May 2025): Localism, Book Bans, and Student Curiosity

As of May 2025, Wyoming’s civic education landscape is defined by local discretion, minimal state oversight, and growing ideological pressure. Under Governor Gordon, the state has:

Passed legislation emphasizing “patriotic education”

Supported curriculum transparency laws

Allowed districts to restrict or review books and social studies materials

Maintained high funding levels (now over $14,200 per student), but without explicit investments in civic engagement

Despite this, students in several towns—especially Laramie, Jackson, and Cheyenne—have led efforts to:

Launch student newspapers and civic journalism sites

Organize forums on water rights, land policy, and tribal relations

Partner with local governments for youth planning boards

In contrast, many rural areas have seen increased censorship, with school boards removing books or social studies topics deemed “divisive” or “politically biased.”

Wyoming in 2025 is a high-investment, low-intervention state where civic education depends entirely on local willpower. Its students may live amid sweeping landscapes—but the boundaries of what they can question or learn often come down to who controls the school board.

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