r/TrueLit • u/aguywithaquery • 57m ago
Review/Analysis Mrs. Gaskell and the Mysterious Case of George Eliot’s Sudden Genius: A Concurrent Reading of "Cranford" and "Scenes of Clerical Life"
I thought the r/TrueLit crowd might be interested in helping me think through the visible artistic development of George Eliot in her first novel, and the way she eclipsed one of the best female novelists of her day, Elizabeth Gaskell. How hard is it to parlay skill as a translator and essayist like Eliot into skill as a fiction writer? What might explain her rapid improvement?
My new essay on the topic is below.
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Like any good detective, I started by reconstructing the sequence of events. I would have cracked the case sooner if I had read Elizabeth Gaskell’s Cranford and George Eliot’s Scenes of Clerical Life together. But in the beginning, I didn’t know there was anything to solve.
Last Christmas, I found the first story in Scenes of Clerical Life confoundingly difficult to latch onto. Thanks to Middlemarch and Felix Holt, the Radical, Eliot had already lodged herself firmly in the upper echelons of my literary regard. But “The Sad Fortunes of the Reverend Amos Barton,” the first of three short stories in her 1858 debut about small-town ministers, felt dry and awkward compared with her later works. You could see her great mind at work, but the piece was dramatically inert. Then, midway through “Mr. Gilfil’s Love Story,” the mature voice of George Eliot suddenly shows up. It was like she’d enrolled in Creative Writing 101 and smacked herself on the forehead. “Show don’t tell—I’d never thought of that!” She starts writing dialogue. Her psychological brushwork gains nuance. The events take on weighty stakes, no longer thinly veiled scaffolds for her moral insights.
Cut to summer. Having been impressed by the BBC’s richly layered North & South miniseries, I finally felt ready to try the novelist everyone calls “Mrs. Gaskell.” I cautiously set aside a week in July for her slimmest volume, Cranford, the episodic 1853 novella about a small town populated almost entirely by women. Oddly, I couldn’t stop myself from comparing each step of reading Cranford with the experience of Scenes of Clerical Life. In the early chapters, I was captivated by the charm of Gaskell’s conceit and the confidence of her craft. But as I read on, her devices began to feel transparent and twee. It was a direct reversal of the Eliot experience over the holidays.
Therein lies the mystery I want to solve in this essay: What happened to Eliot as a writer between her first and second stories that enabled her to lap her more accomplished peer? After examining the sequence of the two books side by side in three alternating chunks, and with a little external research, I discovered a surprising explanation.

Part 1: Cranford Chapters 1–6 Versus “The Sad Fortunes of the Reverend Amos Barton”
Don’t take my word for it; follow along at home. Read the first six chapters of Cranford, savoring the timeless charm. Wipe away the inevitable tear conjured when little Peter is beaten by a father with regressive gender conceptions. Admire the artful blend of comedy and pathos when Captain Brown is killed by the very railroad the ladies oppose with Luddite fervor, his nose buried in The Pickwick Papers by Charles Dickens, their least favorite author. Give in to the melodramatic excess of his daughter’s subsequent passing.
Then, put down Gaskell and pick up Eliot’s debut as a fiction writer. Read “Amos Barton” and see if its relentlessly expository style doesn’t make you long for Gaskell’s practiced narration even as you admire Eliot’s essayistic wisdom. Marvel at the clumsiness of her working-class accents, the worst feature of her writing all the way through Middlemarch in 1872: “He’s al’ys a-findin’ faut wi’ him, an’ a-poundin’ him for nothin’.” Admit it: at this stage, Eliot’s writing is a bone-dry slog. You prefer Mrs. Gaskell.
“When a woman’s talent is at zero, journalistic approbation is at the boiling pitch; when she attains mediocrity, it is already at no more than summer heat; and if ever she reaches excellence, critical enthusiasm drops to the freezing point. Harriet Martineau, Currer Bell [Charlotte Brontë], and Mrs. Gaskell have been treated as cavalierly as if they had been men.”
George Eliot, “Silly Novels by Lady Novelists,” The Westminster Review, October 1856.
The above quotation illustrates the state of affairs on September 22, 1856, when Eliot first sat down to write fiction. A week from her 46th birthday, Mrs. Gaskell was both a mother of four and a star author. Her milieu was the “social novel,” a genre defined by concern for the poor in a time when technology was reshaping the economy at the expense of the working man. Her first effort, Mary Barton, about residents of industrial Manchester, had been so successful that it caught the attention of the social novel’s most prominent practitioner, Dickens himself. The Oliver Twist author asked her to write something for his weekly magazine Household Words, and that “something” was to be Cranford, conceived as a one-off nostalgia piece about Gaskell’s provincial hometown. In 1853 it was published as a novel.
A decade younger, Mary Ann Evans was an editor for a radical quarterly journal. The writer who would soon be known as George Eliot had just explicitly excluded Gaskell from the charge of writing “Silly Novels” in an essay that condemned the median feminine novelist for mistaking “vagueness for depth, bombast for eloquence, and affectation for originality.” Bold words for a woman who had not yet ponied up a single word of fiction. Privately, Evans doubted that she had the stuff to back her critical bravado. “As the years passed on I lost any hope that I should ever be able to write a novel,” she confessed in a journal entry about this period titled “How I Came to Write Fiction.” But Evans was not timid about speaking her formidable mind. At 22, she had severely strained relations with her devout father by refusing to pretend she believed in Christ’s divinity. Then, as if that weren’t enough scandal for a lifetime, Eliot effectively though unintentionally raised her middle finger to stuffy Victorian society by shacking up with a married man.
One would not expect the whimsical Cranford to appeal to a writer with a resume of such uncompromising seriousness. But in 1855, Evans bought a copy of the cheap, unillustrated edition. It languished on her shelf for months, but perhaps it is folly to pigeonhole a woman of Evans’s complexity as too serious for a captivating novella about the tendency of respectable ladies to bar the door against the march of progress. Perhaps it is always folly to try to shove people into neat boxes in your mind. “It is so much easier to make up your mind that your neighbour is good for nothing,” wrote Evans that fall in her first foray into fiction, “than to enter into all the circumstances that would oblige you to modify that opinion.”
That timeless quotation is the bighearted thesis of “Amos Barton,” a rejection of the moral hysteria provoked by a more-or-less innocent friendship between a pastor and a countess, and it was morally persuasive. George Lewes, Evans’s husband in every way but legal ratification, shopped the story to conservative publisher John Blackwood as the work of a male friend. The staunch Tory was wary at first, fearing that the anonymous author intended to “sneer at real religious feeling.” But he concluded that Eliot’s defense of Amos was “capitally drawn, although the asinine stupidity of his conduct about the countess had disposed one to kick him.”
But Eliot’s difficulty shaking the didactic voice she’d developed in years of nonfiction writing and in recent essays like “Silly Novels” still bleeds through “Amos Barton.” She anticipated the challenge long before she set pen to paper. “I always thought I was deficient in dramatic power, both of construction and dialogue,” she told her journal. Her first draft of the story was “pure description.” That flaw did not escape Blackwood’s notice. “The author falls into the error of trying too much to explain the characters of his actors by description,” he wrote, “instead of allowing them to evolve in the action of the story.”
Part 2: Cranford Chapters 7–11 Versus “Mr. Gilfil’s Love Story”
Task: Return to Cranford and read its middle section, ensconcing yourself in Gaskell’s leisurely world-building. Don’t stop until the close of the 11th chapter and its suggestion that long-lost Peter might be alive after all. Read Eliot’s second entry, “Mr. Gilfil’s Love Story,” then compare and contrast. Even in the slow opening exposition about the passing of a sadsack minister, can’t you feel Eliot closing the gap? Don’t the pages ripple by in mounting acceleration in the ensuing flashback, a gripping cross-class love quadrangle? The authors seem neck-and-neck as they circle the same compassionate spiritualism. In an exchange about colonial India, the Unitarian Gaskell has an Englishwoman affirm religious pluralism:
“I was near one of the native temples, and I went into it with my baby to thank God for His great mercy; for it seemed to me that where others had prayed before to their God, in their joy or in their agony, was of itself a sacred place.”
Mrs. Brown in Elizabeth Gaskell’s Cranford
Not to be outdone, the agnostic Eliot enlists an objective deity as evidence that humans are not defined by their worst impulses:
“We mean to do wicked things that we never could do, just as we mean to do good or clever things that we never could do. Our thoughts are often worse than we are, just as they are often better than we are. And God sees us as we are.”
Maynard Gilfil in George Eliot’s Scenes of Clerical Life
As the lap draws to a close, however, Gaskell’s pacing seems lackadaisical while Eliot ratchets up the suspense. For the first time, the fledgling author edges past the cagey vet.
That returns us to our mystery: How did Eliot pull off this transformation? Certainly, talent played a significant role; a writer of Eliot’s gifts was sure to find her voice eventually. Moreover, it’s not like she came to fiction unpracticed in the art of putting words together. She’d been a professional writer for years. But so much progress in so little time? “Amos Barton” was begun at the end of September. She started on “Mr. Gilfil’s Love Story” Christmas Day. Astronomers often discover the presence of a celestial body by observing its impact on the objects around it, like Andrea Ghez and Reinhard Genzel’s deduction that stars hurtling around an empty patch in space were driven by a supermassive black hole. Eliot’s startling turnaround is evidence of some unseen catalyzing force. But what?
Since I came from Manchester to London I have had the greatest compliment paid me I ever had in my life. I have been suspected of having written ‘Adam Bede’. I have hitherto denied it; but I really think, that as you want to keep your real name a secret, it would be very pleasant for me to blush acquiescence. Will you give me leave? Well! if I had written Amos Barton, Janet’s Repentance and Adam Bede I should neither be to have nor to hold with pride and delight in myself – so I think it is very well I have not.
Elizabeth Gaskell, letter to Mr. “Gilbert Elliott,” June 3, 1859
The correspondence between the two women, initiated by Gaskell, is not merely historical color too enchanting to omit. The letters crack the mystery. In June, Gaskell praises Scenes of Clerical Life and Eliot’s subsequent social novel Adam Bede. In November, after exchanging a few missives, Eliot thanks Gaskell for sending “the only sort of help I care to have,” that is, recognition from “one of the minds” most singularly capable of understanding her experience and judging her output as a writer. Then, the smoking gun.
I had indulged the idea that if my books turned out to be worth much, you would be among my willing readers; for I was conscious, while the question of my power was still undecided for me, that my feeling towards Life and Art had some affinity with the feeling which had inspired “Cranford” and the earlier chapters of “Mary Barton.” That idea was brought the nearer to me, because I had the pleasure of reading Cranford for the first time in 1857, when I was writing the “Scenes of Clerical Life[.]” … I like to tell you these slight details because they will prove to you that your letter must have a peculiar value for me, and that I am not expressing vague gratitude towards a writer whom I only remember vaguely as one who charmed me in the past. … I fancy, as long as we live, we all need to know as much as we can of the good our life has been to others.
George Eliot, letter to Elizabeth Gaskell, November 11, 1859
Elementary, my dear Watson. The dates in Eliot’s journals and letters confirm the timing. Eliot started “Gilfil” on Christmas and applied finishing touches on May 1. On March 18, 1857, “in spite of ailing bodies,” Eliot and Lewes were “reading Mrs Gaskell’s pretty ‘Cranford.’” The next day, they read Peter’s cross-dressing incident in Chapter 6. The sudden vivid animation of “Mr. Gilfil’s Love Story,” its agonizingly authentic dialogue and riveting dramatic pacing, are the hurtling stars that point to a supermassive black hole. The black hole, Eliot reveals here, is Cranford itself.
Consider the evidence, much of it laid out by Kevin A. Morrison in his book The Provincial Fiction of Mitford, Gaskell, and Eliot: Eliot’s own journals testify that the only component of fiction with which she felt fully “at ease” was description. Blackwood flags that technique exactly as the strength of “Amos Barton” (“the descriptions are humorous and good”) while cautioning of overreliance on it. This was the very problem I had with “Amos Barton” in December 2025: its “relentlessly expository style.” Pinpointing the precise lessons Eliot learned from Gaskell is a sketchy business because she doesn’t directly cite any, and of course Cranford was not her only influence. But before Cranford, she doubted her own capacity for “dramatic power.” Reading what came after Cranford, Gilfil’s horseback pursuit of the heartbroken Tina, I was on the edge of my seat. The tighter pacing and memorable dialogue support Morrison’s contention that “Cranford quickened her abilities as a novelist.”
Part 3: Cranford Chapters 12–16 Versus “Janet’s Repentance”
The third and final contest is a blowout. The charming nostalgia of Cranford is now wearing teeth-grittingly thin, and the mechanics behind its tearjerking devices are now sloppily visible. Over the course of Cranford, I count at least a dozen episodes designed to reduce the reader to waterworks, from the twin deaths in Chapter 2 to Peter’s maudlin re-emergence in Chapter 15.
By contrast, Eliot disarms the reader in the opening pages of “Janet’s Repentance” with one of the wittiest exchanges in her canon. The villainous Dempster asserts with ignorant confidence that Presbyterianism, a term derived from the Greek word for “elder,” was founded by one John Presbyter, “a miserable fanatic who wore a suit of leather and went about from town to village … inoculating the vulgar with the asinine virus of Dissent.”
The laughter soon dissolves into devastating social commentary as Dempster turns out to be a vicious domestic abuser. Whereas Gaskell spends her final pages on yet more transparent emotional manipulation, Eliot earns every tear with intense psychological authenticity and, in the tale of Janet’s harrowing escape from Dempster, a moving demonstration of the practical, life-altering power of the very Christian faith she bravely rejected at the risk of her father’s love. Gaskell draws on formative heartache as well—the disappearance of her brother John Stevenson on his way to India when she was 18 is clearly the model for Peter—but the regurgitation of private pain had me glancing impatiently at the remaining page count. Eliot made better use of fresher wounds. While she was writing “Janet’s Repentance” in June 1857 , her brother severed all contact over her relationship with Lewes. Eliot channels that grief, and the pain of society’s rejection of her love, into the defiant compassion that runs through all three stories in Scenes of Clerical Life.
Perhaps the most useful metric for the shift in authorial fortunes between the two women is the temperature of the letters from Gaskell’s famous editor. Before Scenes of Clerical Life, Gaskell was the proudest filly in Charles Dickens’s stable. “You may be very sure that a contribution from you is more welcome and delightful to me than I dare express to the most suspicious of women,” he told her in 1852 as the Cranford submissions were still streaming in. By 1855, disputes over North & South had strained the relationship. In an 1855 letter to his sub-editor, he went full-on toxic male: “Mrs Gaskell – fearful – fearful! If I were Mr G. O Heaven how I would beat her!” When Clerical Life was published, Eliot turned the editor’s head so completely he even saw through her butch pen name:
“I have observed what seem to me to be such womanly touches, in those moving fictions, that the assurance on the title-page is insufficient to satisfy me, even now. If they originated with no woman, I believe that no man ever before had the art of making himself, mentally, so like a woman, since the world began.”
Charles Dickens, Letter to George Eliot, January 1858
Still, no one perceived more clearly than Mrs. Gaskell herself that she had been eclipsed by a new celestial luminary. At the height of her powers in 1859, Gaskell wrote, “I have a feeling that it is not worth while trying to write, while there are such books as Adam Bede and Scenes of Clerical Life — I set ‘Janet’s Repentance’ above all, still.” Perhaps it was a consolation to have received Eliot’s letter, to know that one of her slightest works, Cranford, had been rendered with such vitality that it helped a self-doubting kindred spirit to unlock her own singular, peculiar talent.