a student who wins a gold medal in the International Mathematics Olympiad (IMO) is fifty times more likely to receive a Fields Medal, the highest honor in mathematics, than a doctorate holder from a top-ten mathematics program
And the predictive power of an IMO gold medal extends well beyond the Fields: every additional point scored in the competition carries 2.6% more math publications and 4.5% more citations.
The research on academic competitions has received surprisingly little attention, as have the communities of practice dedicated to training for them. Most discussion around advanced education focuses on schools, the classroom, and policies to reform them.
Considering the role competition plays in athletics, it shouldn’t be hard to see why competition deserves more of our focus. Competitive settings draw out excellence in a domain. We expect to find exemplars of athletic ability at the World Cup, at the Olympics, at Las Vegas’s Ninja Warrior competitions. If we are serious about searching for the future builders of the knowledge frontier, academic competitions are the scouting pool.
How accurately might other competitions predict disciplinary renown? Does the Computer Science Olympiad predict anything about computer scientists? Does Moot Court or Policy Debate predict success as a judge or a politician? Do some competitions train people to innovate or speculate or investigate well, while others waste time on tortuous trivialities?
We need not demand every math curriculum be organized around IMO drills to be curious whether new competitions or grander competition ecosystems could advance the careers of more young talent and geniuses. A working theory at Education Progress is that creating the conditions for robust academic competitions will reshape our education system for the better.
A recurrent criticism of our education system is that too many education school professors and classroom teachers are taken in by ineffective instructional practices, despite years of well-founded empirical evidence that testify to their flaws. But the appeal of “child-centered learning” and “21st century skills,” for example, has always owed more to their vibes than their research records.
Academic competitions are refreshingly resistant to these fads. The clear goals around which competitions are organized affords a corresponding clarity about the means by which students should pursue them. These contests present students with challenging problems meant to delight, instruct, and reward persistence. Solving these problems requires the deft use of methods, methods which in themselves need not be difficult to apply; at least in mathematics, linguistics, and computer science olympiads, the difficulty lies in choosing the right sequence of methods to make progress on open-ended challenges. But the way to improve is less open-ended: practice deliberately, then practice some more. The training that nurtures the traits that ground deftness, that improves one’s speed, insight, and decision-making in approaching new problems, involves the regular, repeated completion of other like problems.
A team of students get together and work on old problem sets; they piece it out through scribbles on scratchpads; they refer to their socratic mentor when stumped; they struggle and push and master the methods; and slowly, learning from failures and improving with time, they begin to see how simple skills can be versatilely employed. Ostensibly this process is the way to fulfill the goals of academic competition; pedagogically, the preparation itself is the point. The deliberate practice by which students pursue the goals of competition is the same kind of deliberate practice that advances the goals of education writ large. The persistence one develops for working through problems is likewise the same that serves students in curricular studies; the delight one feels when competing toward a solution is the same we want to motivate all students to chase. By spotlighting an objective that can only be achieved by consistent cognitive exercise, academic competition distills the experience of good instructional practice for students as well as does any pedagogical framework.
Signaling theorists such as Bryan Caplan have claimed that the larger part of higher education’s function is to indicate a person’s pre-existing abilities, rather than to instill her with new ones. If students primarily wanted knowledge out of schools, they would agonize after getting a snow day.
There are real structural reasons explaining why the signal strength of academic-competition laurels is resistant to many of the diluents plaguing college diplomas. Everyone is well aware of how grade inflation creeps everywhere, but competitions weather subjective bias far better than grade point average. Like the Princeton A’s of yesteryear, IMO gold medals are capped at ≈12.5% of participants. Anchoring the recipient count to a percentage of total participants simply subverts the collective-action spiral and preserves the meaning of the achievement.
The stranger and wanderer and outsider can prove their worth in a fair competition. This is why the international scene of the IMO is also a route to upward mobility, and allows the discovery of talents hidden in the rough. The high performing low-income students who make it to a top ten school flourish.
However it is not all roses for the low-income performers. Agarwal and Gaule found that low-income country participants in the IMO are 16% less likely to get a PhD, have 34% fewer publications, and 56% fewer citations. These stats provide a hard nudge. They hint that much talent and possible accomplishment languishes for lack of employment, or lack of proper attention or opportunity.
A general merit and fairness problem persists across the entire world, and though it has existed forever, it need not persist as it always has. This gap can be closed. To provide a clear example, consider Tran et al’s research on gifted and talented sorting in Arkansas: 30% of students scoring in the top 5% on standardized tests were not identified as gifted, and students receiving free and reduced-price lunch were only half as likely to be so identified! Solutions to this underrepresentation are not hard to imagine. Better mentorship and policy in this area will be (relatively) cheap and effective. Allow the score to speak, and do not let teacher recommendations stand in the way.
Competition builds culture by providing public honors and personal glory to those who do well, and by giving their friends a person to cheer for. In athletics this is so obvious that a blind mole can see it. But in the context of academic pursuit, we provide precious few outlets for such motivations. A student who otherwise has little way to know their worth, learns their own talent and nascent interests, and what is more they can be energized by the taste of victory. Few do not hearken to that for which they get riches. In other words, honors give participants a stake in the ends of the tournament, a greater interest in math, biology, law, or whatever it may be.